SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Suma who wrote (12783)2/11/2003 2:41:06 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
How do U.S. aid levels compare with those of other countries?

The U.S. foreign-aid budget as a percentage of gross national
product (GNP) ranks last among the world’s wealthiest
countries (at about 0.1 percent). In raw dollars, however, the
United States is now the world’s top donor of economic aid,
although for more than a decade it was second to Japan,
which is far smaller and has been beset by economic woes. In
2001, the United States gave $10.9 billion, Japan $9.7 billion,
Germany $4.9 billion, the United Kingdom $4.7 billion, and
France $4.3 billion. As a percentage of GNP, however, the
top donors were Denmark, Norway, the Netherlands,
Luxembourg, and Sweden. The tiny Netherlands (pop. 5.3
million) gave $3.2 billion in 2001—almost a third of what
America contributed.

Do Americans understand how much of the U.S. budget goes to foreign aid?

No. A 2001 poll sponsored by the University of Maryland
showed that most Americans think the United States spends
about 24 percent of its annual budget on foreign aid—more
than 24 times the actual figure.

Do Americans support increasing foreign aid?

Yes. A University of Maryland poll, which was conducted in
July 2002, indicated that 81 percent of Americans support
increasing foreign-aid spending to fight terrorism. According
to the poll’s findings, the typical American would like to spend
$1 on foreign aid for every $3 spent on defense; the real ratio
in the proposed budget for fiscal year 2003 is $1 on aid for
every $19 spent on defense.

terrorismanswers.com



To: Suma who wrote (12783)2/11/2003 6:44:02 AM
From: Crimson Ghost  Respond to of 89467
 
Rease is anything but a liberal. Very conservative on most issues. Opposition to war is no longer a simple matter of liberals versus conservatives, but liberals and many traditional conservatives versus the neo-conservatives.



To: Suma who wrote (12783)2/11/2003 11:07:35 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Bin Laden tape: Text

BBC News World Edition
Wednesday, 12 February, 2003, 00:56 GMT

news.bbc.co.uk



To: Suma who wrote (12783)2/12/2003 11:43:17 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
NYC Peace Activists Vow to Face Down Bush's War

Don't Fence Them In
by Sarah Ferguson
February 12 - 18, 2003

The mayor and the police chief and the attorney general may not like it, but the masses are about to take to the streets of New York.

Despite the Bloomberg administration's unprecedented refusal to allow protesters to march in the city, peace activists insist that hundreds of thousands of people will assemble within sight of the United Nations on Saturday, urging the Security Council to pursue further weapons inspections in Iraq, not war. Organizers with United for Peace and Justice, a network of more than 200 groups, have a permit for a stationary rally starting at noon, on First Avenue north of 49th Street.

Protesters in New York will be joined that weekend by more than a million people in 300 cities around the world, a global uprising against President Bush's push for war.

The New York event was supposed to include a walk past the UN. But pressed by the U.S. Justice Department, which filed a friend of the court brief, a federal judge ruled the city could deny the necessary permit because a march of such scale would pose an unacceptable security risk.

Hemming in thousands of frustrated people presents its own dangers. While they plan to appeal the court decision, organizers say the city's refusal may only boost the turnout. "People are outraged," says UFPJ co-chair Leslie Cagan. "At this point, we're not just protesting over this war but over the right to assert our basic civil rights."

Speakers at the New York rally include Archbishop Desmond Tutu, NAACP executive director Julian Bond, and Martin Luther King III. With chief weapons inspector Hans Blix slated to report to the UN on Friday, activists feel it's now or never to make their voices heard. Buses are coming in from as far as Denver and Kentucky, and MetroNorth is adding trains to accommodate the expected influx from upstate and Connecticut.

In the U.S., the demos will test whether activists can field a truly broad-based message capable of catalyzing public action.

Polls show Americans profoundly wary of the consequences of this war, and the movement to oppose military action is growing larger. Although organized labor backed the war in Afghanistan, six national unions have come out against blasting Iraq, fearful of what a $200 billion military adventure could do to already hemorrhaging state and city budgets. Lobbying campaigns like MoveOn.org and Win Without War are raking in funds and celebrity supporters.

Until now, though, much of the work of organizing national demonstrations has been delegated to the hard left. The last big protests in Washington, D.C., and San Francisco were coordinated by International ANSWER, a coalition spawned by members of the Workers World Party, a Stalinist group, and its spin-off, the International Action Center. These demos drew surprisingly large numbers of ordinary mom 'n' pop folks, but many veteran activists agonized about lining up with a group that has defended both Saddam Hussein and North Korea's Kim Jong-Il, and whose leader, Ramsey Clark, is on the defense committee for Slobodan Milosevic.

When it comes to Iraq, ANSWER opposes even UN weapons inspections as an affront to Iraq's national sovereignty. That puts them at odds with most peace campaigners, who say international efforts to disarm Saddam are the best way to avert war. And onstage, ANSWER rallies tend to devolve into a kitchen-sink litany of U.S. imperialist abuses. It's not the kind of approach capable of attracting organized labor and mainstream clergy, let alone shifting the political calculus.

United for Peace and Justice intends to help expand the debate. Its membership ranges from traditional peaceniks and anarchists to Greenpeace, the National Council of Churches, and several national student networks.

"People are very appreciative and glad that ANSWER was organizing those initial demos," says Cagan. "But many of us wanted another vehicle to allow even broader organizing and representation. We really wanted to be connected in a way that ANSWER doesn't quite give us space to do, and also to facilitate other efforts, like national education and lobbying campaigns."

During the Gulf War, the peace movement split in two because ANSWER refused to condemn Iraq's invasion of Kuwait. This time around, ANSWER and the newly formed United for Peace and Justice camps are endorsing each other's events. "There's a shared sense of urgency now," says David McReynolds, the 73-year-old stalwart of the War Resisters League. "People are saying that what Bush is doing is so extraordinarily dangerous, it's no time to be playing these politically correct or sectarian games."

Although polls show opposition to the war is more widespread among people of color—64 percent of black voters are against it, according to a Zogby poll last week—the marches thus far have remained largely white. By contrast, New York's rally will be led off by representatives of the "world's many Ground Zeroes"—from the September 11 Families for Peaceful Tomorrows to people from Hiroshima, Iraq, Afghanistan, and Colombia. There will be battalions of labor; elected officials from the 65 city councils that have passed anti-war resolutions; and large contingents of Palestinians, Latinos, African Americans, and Asians.

Many of these groups are planning to hold "feeder marches" to the main rally site on First Avenue. How that will play out with the NYPD's new dictum banning protest marches from the streets remains unclear. "We're trying to negotiate a permit, but if not we'll stick to the sidewalks," says Michael Letwin of New York City Labor Against War, which is organizing a march of more than 5000 union members from Columbus Circle. "For many of us, it's unimaginable that the city would deny our right to march. We have to march."

villagevoice.com



To: Suma who wrote (12783)2/16/2003 4:07:21 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Can War Be Avoided...?

Yes, There is an Alternative to This Approaching War
by Adrian Hamilton
Published on Friday, February 14, 2003 by the lndependent/UK

Now that the UN Security Council has both Iraq and North Korea to consider, it is no longer possible to talk as if they were two separate issues that can be pursued in turn and quite separately from each other.

The question, of course, is what to do about them. America's answer is: use force in the Iraqi case and diplomacy in the Korean. There is no contradiction. You need to use force if Iraq is not to get to the point where North Korea is: too dangerous to invade.

But why not take the opposite view: that what is sauce for the North Korean goose should also be sauce for the Iraqi gander. Diplomatic engagement and concerted international pressure are just as valid for Saddam Hussein as for Kim Jong Il. Even more so when you consider that United Nations nuclear inspectors have reported back to the Security Council in the one instance, saying that it is doubtful that Iraq has managed to develop any nuclear capability in the last decade, while reporting the opposite in the case of North Korea, which clearly has been intent on developing nuclear weaponry in clear breach of agreements made a decade ago.

One of the worst casualties of the present debate over Iraq has been the belief that there is a "third way" between the unilateral exercise of force and doing nothing. "There is no alternative" was the cry of Mrs Thatcher, and it seems to be the cry of Tony Blair as he repeats again and again that Saddam is in breach of Resolution 1441, will not own up to his misdeeds and must therefore be removed by force.

But there is an alternative. It is what we all thought we had signed up to in the weeks following 11 September before President Bush suddenly took the issue of Saddam out of his back pocket and slammed it on the table as the number one item on the agenda. And it's what Washington seems now to approve of in the case of North Korea.

It is called "internationalism", the effort to lay down certain principles for the conduct of global behavior and to develop the institutions – the UN, the International Court of Justice and the regional security pacts – to encourage and enforce them.

All right, it isn't easy. There are all sorts of regimes with access to all sorts of nasty weapons, Pakistan and India among them as well as Iran and Israel. All of them, like North Korea, have surreptitiously pursued weapons programs. It would be nice if we could go round forcing them to cough them all up. There are also suffering people all over the world who are crying out for the strong arm of Western righteousness to break the rules of non-intervention and deliver them from evil.

But the danger of saying that you can deal with one crisis in one way and then go on to deal with others in different ways is that, by acting inconsistently, you undermine the whole in order to deal with the one. The cost of "liberating" the Iraqis is that you accept the continued oppression of the Chechens, the Tibetans and even the Palestinians; the price of enforcing disarmament of Iraq through invasion is that you implicitly accept that those who already have such weapons will be allowed to keep them.To those who have shall be accorded respect; and from those who have not shall be taken away.

Better, surely, to accept common limitations but agree common pressure. For that has been the lesson of the much-quoted crises of recent times. Internationalism has not failed because it is inherently flawed or weak, but because it hasn't been pursued consistently. Saddam would never have invaded Kuwait had the international community acted on its own principles and isolated him when he invaded Iran a decade before. Instead the West saw it in its interests to see the two sides exhausting each other in warfare. Or, as Henry Kissinger put it: "If only both sides could lose."

Nor would Slobodan Milosevic have waged war in Bosnia or Kosovo if the West had acted decisively at the start to defend the new states that they had guaranteed, or had the members of the UN backed their own institution when the Belgian peacekeepers were simply ignored at the beginning of the genocide in Rwanda.

The other great lesson of these tragedies is that it is united pressure as much as the threat of force that stops dictators. Milosevic only finally decided to get out of Kosovo when Nato agreed a unanimous vote condemning him and Russia made it clear that it was not going to support Serbia. Milosevic himself did not fall until it became clear that his people were against him and his security forces were not going to open fire on their own people.

In the case of Iraq, there isn't that unity behind war. Far from it. In the case of North Korea, there isn't yet a consensus behind a policy of containment. Let's try and get that unity around an agreed policy of pressure and persuasion in both cases. The carrot is engagement, trade and humanitarian assistance. The stick is international isolation and condemnation.

As for regime change. Yes, we want it – in the two countries. If the example of Eastern Europe is anything to go by, it will happen if we stick to our principles in all our dealings with these regimes, and others. But we have no right to intervene of our own accord. In international affairs as domestic ones, the law is there to prevent us taking it into our own hands.

© 2003 Independent Digital (UK) Ltd

commondreams.org