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To: Crimson Ghost who wrote (13008)2/15/2003 4:29:52 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
What Role is the Oil Industry Playing in Bush's Drive to War?

by Ralph Nader

Published on Friday, February 14, 2003 by CommonDreams.org

As the drive to war in Iraq races toward a precarious endgame, the lead-footed Bush Administration shows no signs of heeding to the caution flags flying in from all sides.

Urgings to go slow are not just a phenomena of "Old Europe." At home, retired General Anthony Zinni, a consultant to Colin Powell, and many other retired generals, admirals, and officers have warned about the potential for "blowback." They argue convincingly that this pending war diverts and distracts from the war on terror and is likely to catalyze further acts of terror against the citizens and security of the United States. Retired general Wesley Clark told the Senate Armed Services Committee that a war would "super-charge recruiting for Al Qaeda."

With U.N. Security Council Members France, Russia, and China still unconvinced of the need for immediate military action, international support for "preemptive strike" seems unlikely to materialize. Even governments that support a U.S.-led war in Iraq, such as Britain, Turkey, Spain, do not have the support of their people. If the U.S. chooses to go it alone or with the help of only a few allies, the already present strains of international anti-Americanism will become even more virulent.

Meanwhile, the Bush Administration has been less than forthcoming in providing the public estimates of the actual costs of a war, both in terms of troops and money. The American Academy of Arts and Sciences estimates that over 10 years, war and the reconstruction of Iraq could cost as much as $2 trillion - almost the equivalent of the entire annual federal budget. In the New York Review of Books, Yale Professor William D. Nordhaus puts the low estimate at $120 billion and a high estimate at $1.6 trillion, given a combination of "different adverse effects." Despite the costs and dangers to innocent civilians, one powerful administration constituency stands to benefit from a unilateral war in Iraq that results in a U.S.-led regime change. That constituency is the oil industry, whose slick influence and crude ambitions permeate the administration from top to bottom. Both the President and the Vice President are former oil executives. National Security Adviser Condaleeza Rice is a former director of Chevron. President Bush took more than $1.8 million in campaign contributions from the oil and gas industries in the 2000 election. All told, 41 members of the administration had ties to the oil industry.

U.S. oil companies, banned from Iraq for more than a decade, would like nothing more than to control the production of Iraqi oil. With reserves of 112.5 billion barrels, Iraq sits on top of 11% of the world's oil. Vice President Dick Cheney and Senator Richard Lugar (R-Ill.) are two of the many politicians who have the question of who will control Iraq's petroleum on their minds.

Plans for control of the oil fields are already being laid. The Wall Street Journal reported on January 16 that officials from the White House, State Department and Department of Defense have been meeting informally with executives from Halliburton, Slumberger, ExxonMobil, ChevronTexaco and ConocoPhillips to plan the post-war oil bonanza. But no one wants to talk about it. Larry Goldstein, president of the Petroleum Industry Research Foundation told the Journal, "If we go to war, it's not about oil. But the day the war ends, it has everything to do with oil." The American people have a right to know what role the oil industry is playing in Bush's increasingly frenetic drive to war. What is being discussed in these meetings regarding the oil industry's designs on this gigantic pool of petroleum?

The American people also have a right to know what was discussed in the numerous secret meetings Vice President Cheney's national energy task force held with oil and gas executives. Cheney has been adamantly secretive about these meetings, despite repeated attempts by Congress and public interest groups to learn what was discussed.

Cheney's energy policy casts as inevitable that we will have to import 17 million barrels of oil a day (two-thirds of our supply) by 2020 and subsequently recommends "that the President make energy security a priority of our trade and foreign policy." It does not recommend specific goals for conservation anytime in the near future. Just as Cheney refused to meet with anybody but industry cronies in formulating the national energy policy, Bush is now refusing to entertain the counsel of anyone but war hawks. Repeated entreaties by national peace groups, including veterans, clergy, and business groups, for meetings with the President have fallen on ears deaf to anything but the constant beating of war drums.

While it would be naive to label this purely as a war for oil, the apparent connections are enough to raise some serious questions. And when coupled with the Administration's frighteningly stubborn insistence on ignoring the caution signs pouring in from all sides, those questions become even more serious.

###

commondreams.org



To: Crimson Ghost who wrote (13008)2/16/2003 5:40:28 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Pre-emptive strike could endanger U.S. security

BY MARK DAYTON
Guest Columnist
The St. Paul Pioneer Press
Posted on Fri, Feb. 14, 2003
twincities.com

During the last week, our country has been placed on the second highest level of national security alert. As a member of the Senate Armed Services Committee, I met for three hours on Wednesday with the director of the Central Intelligence Agency, George Tenet, and other high-level intelligence officials.

Sen. Norm Coleman and I were among a group of senators who met with Secretary of Homeland Security Tom Ridge on Thursday. These administration officials affirmed that the publicly stated reasons for the heightened alert status are based on very serious forewarnings. At another Armed Services Committee hearing Thursday, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said that we are in "the most dangerous security environment the world has ever known."

I hasten to add that, while nothing is inconceivable, Minnesota is one of the most unlikely sites for a terrorist attack. In the aftermath of 9/11, many Minnesotans commented to me that their distance from both coasts was one of the features they liked most about living in our state. Nevertheless, all Americans would somehow be affected, if attacks within our borders were to occur again.

Current events, while different in content, are similar in context to the threats our country has faced for the last 55 years. Both Republican and Democratic presidents have regularly confronted dangerous dictators in other countries hostile to the United States, who also possessed weapons of mass destruction.

Those presidents successfully protected us, our country and our world through skillful diplomacy, including international treaties and alliances; effective containment, including arms control agreements; and continuous surveillance, backed by unsurpassed military strength.

Their strategies were based upon the realization that those other nations had the military capabilities to inflict serious damage upon our country. They, too, possessed weapons of mass destruction: nuclear, biological and chemical weapons, which could wreak death and destruction upon our country, in retaliation to an attack on their countries. They also knew that the United States would inflict overwhelming destruction upon them, if they attacked us.

For half a century, that "mutually assured destruction" constrained leaders' options and contained nations' actions. Strangely, it helped preserve peace, because leaders and citizens knew that war would likely result in terrible destruction for the winners as well as the losers.

In recent months, however, the actions of the Bush administration have been very different from their predecessors' responses. This president has amassed a large military force next to Iraq. He has been preparing to do what no American president has done before: start a war.

There is no question that the United States would win a war against Iraq. However, there are many unanswered questions. How long would a military victory take, and how costly would it be? How many American soldiers would die, be maimed for life or suffer other injuries? How long and costly would occupying and rebuilding Iraq be? What would the war cost our relationships with other countries and our standing in the world?

What attacks would occur against our citizens, cities and country in retaliation by Iraq, al-Qaida or other terrorist organizations? How many deaths and how much destruction would they cause? What damage would they cause to our economy, our society, and our lives?

Would the military victory be worth those costs? Or would it be, as Winston Churchill said about World War I, that "the price of victory was so high as to be indistinguishable from the cost of defeat"?

Finally, what would be the future consequences of the United States, the world's most powerful nation, launching a pre-emptive attack against another country and eliminating its leader, because of what they might do to us in the future? We lead by our example. The proliferation of nuclear weapons, about which we are rightfully alarmed, shows how our own national security can be endangered when other countries follow down a path we have taken.

The ethical philosopher Immanuel Kant set forth "one categorical imperative" to guide fateful decisions. He said to act only in a way that you want to become a universal law.

By that maxim, this difficult decision should be clear. Previous presidents acted wisely to prevent wars and to not start them. They were right to renounce pre-emptive military attacks, yet also to assure our enemies that we would defend ourselves mightily and retaliate overwhelmingly against provocations. They were wise to build international alliances and working partnerships, rather than act unilaterally and demand acquiescence. Our leaders need their wisdom now.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Mark Dayton, a Democrat, is the senior U.S. senator from Minnesota and a member of the Armed Services Committee.