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Politics : Right Wing Extremist Thread -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: calgal who wrote (32976)2/15/2003 4:11:20 PM
From: calgal  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 59480
 
Total Recall
California governor Gray Davis barely won a second term in office.Voters are now trying to see that he doesn't get to finish it.
by Bill Whalen
02/14/2003 5:15:00 PM

URL:http://www.weeklystandard.com/Content/Public/Articles/000/000/002/259xvbta.asp




CALIFORNIA GOVERNOR Gray Davis is now the target of at least two voter recall drives that could bring an abrupt end to his second term, which Davis barely eked out last November. Admittedly, the idea that he might be recalled sounds ludicrous when you first hear it. Voter recalls have proven effective in local referenda--voters in South Gate, a Los Angeles suburb, recently dumped three city officials. But previous recall efforts against Davis (frustrated anti-illegal immigration activists) and his predecessor Pete Wilson (angry state workers) went nowhere fast.

However, these are not ordinary times in California, what with a $35 billion budget deficit, a sluggish economy, and the uncertainty of war. And Davis, to be charitable, is anything but an ordinary governor. In fact, the one extraordinary thing he has achieved is stockpiling a diverse array of political enemies--and surprisingly few loyalists willing to do battle for him. How so? Democratic legislators loathe Davis for his imperious style; lately, they particularly despise him for defying them on tax policy (Davis said no to a Democratic plan to raise the state's vehicle license fee--i.e., car tax--to help close the deficit). Republican legislators likewise have no reservoir of good will, not after Davis soft-pedaled the severity of California's fiscal troubles during last year's election.

Even traditionally Democratic-leaning special interests aren't much of a help. Public employee unions are poised to fight Davis over state-workforce reductions. The California Teachers Association, which Davis unsuccessfully hit up for $1 million during his reelection campaign, is threatening an initiative campaign to raise taxes for public education. California Indian tribes are offended by Davis's suggestion that they tithe an additional $1.5 billion to the state from their casinos. The group theoretically most loyal to Davis--California's prison-guard union, which donated heavily to his campaign and received a hefty pay raise--is angry with the governor for not wanting to build a women's prison.

Toss in Sacramento's other "usual suspects" in the budget debate--fiscal watchdogs who are anti-tax; advocacy groups who are pro-spending--and Gray Davis is California's version of the "Simpsons'" "Who Shot Mr. Burns?": a town despot staggering around wounded, with the locals cheering on his plight. Notes GOP strategist Dan Schnur: "It takes a lot to get a welfare mom, a soccer mom, and a CEO to agree on anything, but Gray Davis seems to have pulled it off."

So how would a recall campaign hand the term-limited Davis his walking papers?

First, understand that it won't happen overnight. Under state law, recall organizers have up to 160 days to collect and file the 900,000 signatures necessary to trigger a recall. Once the signatures are certified, the state has 80 days to declare a special election. Odds are any referendum on Davis's future won't happen before November.

Second, neither of the two current recall efforts should be mistaken for a silver bullet. One campaign is led by former Republican Assemblyman Howard Kaloogian; the other, by conservative activist Ted Costa, head of People's Advocate (founded by Proposition 13 co-author Paul Gann). They accuse Davis of mismanaging state finances and threatening public safety by proposing cuts in local government funding (they can throw in slacking off on the job: Davis went two years without holding a Cabinet meeting). However, among Sacramento insiders, Kaloogian is dismissed as too partisan; Costa is seen as too much of a bomb-thrower to forge bipartisan support.

Democratic help could come in the form of Pat Caddell (of Carter administration and "West Wing" fame). The pollster-turned-screenwriter has taken to the airwaves in recent weeks to talk up the recall concept. However, Caddell, who changed his mind about appearing at the unveiling of Costa's recall effort, is mainly motivated by Davis's ethics (or lack thereof). He may or may not end up a recall player.

What has Sacramento buzzing is persistent talk that the recall efforts--though still at an infant stage--could develop into something far more serious. That's because both Republican and Democratic insiders--both lawmakers and their handlers--have huddled in private to discuss whether taking out a sitting governor is feasible.

Why the sudden spirit of cooperation, so soon after the last election? Part of it has to do with prevailing winds: private polls being circulated around Sacramento show Davis with an approval rating in the mid-20s, and his negatives in the mid-70s. Republicans sense a wounded lame duck; Democrats sense a repeat of 1982, when eight long years of Jerry Brown opened the door to 16 years of Republican governors.

But a more compelling reason would be that a Davis recall is that rare moment in California politics when a changing of the guard benefits both parties.

First, the Democratic factor. Since Davis is constitutionally barred from seeking a third term, the line of Democrats looking to replace him already forms to the rear. That includes Lieutenant Governor Cruz Bustamente, Attorney General Bill Lockyer, State Treasurer Phil Angelides, and State Controller Steve Westly. Toss in a pair of wild cards--Sen. Barbara Boxer, actor/activist Rob Reiner--and the '06 Democratic gubernatorial primary is almost assured of being a costly, contentious affair.

A recall vote could change that. In such an election, Californians would be asked two questions: do they wish to replace Davis; and, if so, to please choose a successor from the candidates listed on the recall ballot. Getting on that ballot as an alternative to Davis might be attractive to a Democrat otherwise looking at a crowded primary. And it's a cheaper alternative to a more traditional two-year campaign. Bonus added: the new governor could serve a total of 11 years (the remainder of Davis' term, plus two four-year terms). The only downsides: the issue of party loyalty, and the threat of a vengeful governor. Then again, California Democrats don't fear the term-limited Davis these days, which is one reason why the recall talk persists.

That may explain why Davis, surprisingly enough, has chosen to acknowledge this threat to his existence: He needs to nip recall in the bud, by dismissing it as partisan shenanigans. A formal response signed by the governor and filed Thursday with California's secretary of state attributes the recall movement to "a handful of right-wing politicians" and says this of Costa's recall: "They couldn't beat him fair and square, so now they're trying another trick to remove him from office." Ironically, at a time when Democratic legislators in Sacramento are pushing for mandated health care, Davis chose a different page out of the Hillary playbook--blame his problems on a "vast right-wing conspriacy".

As for California Republicans, the upside is obvious: recall is the quickest, easiest ticket to regaining power in Sacramento, as opposed to a longer-term strategy based on President Bush carrying the state in 2004, or Arnold Schwarzenegger or Condoleezza Rice running for governor in 2006.

Suppose a Davis recall included a handful of Democrats, but only one GOP alternative. It's safe to assume that it would be a low-turnout race, and in California the lower the turnout, the better Republicans' chances (Bill Simon lost by only 5 percent amidst a record-low turnout). With rival Democrats dividing the vote, all that would be required of the lone Republican is a solid plurality--say, 30 percent of the vote--to win the contest. That sounds easy enough for Schwarzenegger, who already enjoys a strong presence among Republicans and moderate swing voters.

To think, after an exodus from Sacramento and years wandering through the California desert, Republicans might have stumbled onto an easy path to California's Promised Land. Maybe it involves the "Terminator." Most likely, it hinges upon "Total Recall."

Bill Whalen is a Hoover Institution research fellow and former speechwriter for California Gov. Pete Wilson



To: calgal who wrote (32976)2/15/2003 4:21:23 PM
From: calgal  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 59480
 
Stardumb: John Cusack
John Cusack goes hard on Bush and soft on Hitler, before praising the cinema of Osama bin Laden. Also: Scorsese's play of the week, Spike Lee and cast . . .
by David Skinner
02/14/2003 12:00:00 AM

URL:http://www.weeklystandard.com/Content/Public/Articles/000/000/002/240rfmhc.asp






David Skinner, assistant managing editor



MARTIN SCORSESE wins the Stardumb play-of-the-week award for this beaut: "It seems to me that any sensible person must see that violence does not change the world and, if it does, then only temporarily. . . There must be people who remember World War II and the Holocaust who can help us get out of this rut."

Note to the famed director of such bloody classics as "Goodfellas" (in which a Mafia organization maintains discipline through violence), "Taxi Driver" (in which a young girl is saved from a life of prostitution by violence), and "Raging Bull" (in which violence, sadly, gets the better of Jake La Motta): Violence changes everything.

Ask the September 11 widows. Ask the Holocaust survivors. Ask the French. Then again, don't ask the French, who rolled over for Hitler, apologized for Stalin, and have practically a zero batting average when it comes to opposing the world's most dangerous tyrants. In the last century millions of lives were annihilated by political violence while the French nosed around bookstores lost in some nihilist daydream over whether Life Itself still had Meaning.

Also this week, the cast of 25th Hour have been pissing on George W. Bush as they travel through France and Germany courting publicity for their film. Director Spike Lee hopes "more people will rise up" against the Bush administration. Lee says the French and German governments should be commended for opening a huge rift in NATO and helping Saddam nullify another inspections process. The film's lead actor, smart guy Edward Norton, said it was nice being in Europe just now: "I almost forgot what it was like to be proud of my government." Sexy showditz Rosario Dawson commented that in the United States these days "any dissenting opinion is considered unpatriotic."

Ah, yes. The American habit of playing dissenter abroad meets the inability of a stardummy to admit one's acting experience hardly matters to the question of how to deal with Saddam. Of course most of this is mere shadowboxing, opining about what it means to have an opinion. With rare exceptions like Susan Sarandon, who had the courage and stupidity to ask what Iraq ever did to us, most American celebrities posing for the anti-American press in Europe haven't the stomach to actually go where they are heading. That is, they won't say Saddam poses no threat to anyone. They won't say the inspections process works. They won't say the United Nations is the only just arbiter of warfare. They won't say the Iraqi people are safe and free under the current Baathist regime. Of course, being stuck in a logical corner doesn't stop them from taking a swing at the big issues of the day. The temptation to assert their omni-relevance is simply irresistible.

TODAY'S FEATURED STARDUMMY, John Cusack, has also been caught yearning for proof of his own significance. The sadness of it is that a talented and deeply likable actor has now made a baffling spectacle of himself.

Half the problem is that Cusack currently plays the title role in a Weimar fantasy flick called "Max" which is outstanding for its unwitting wrong-headedness. The film's unfortunate mix of anachronism, historical romanticizing, and out-and-out crappiness makes it the accidental soulmate of "Springtime for Hitler," the intentionally bad play-within-a-play in "The Producers." The other half of Cusack's problem is that, while doing publicity for his bizarre movie, he has been mouthing off about George Bush, calling the president a kitschy warmonger devoid of moral purpose. Thus has the endearing star of such movies as "Say Anything" and "The Grifters" placed himself in the curious position of trying to humanize Adolf Hitler even while trying to Hitlerize Bush.

Stardumb Hypothesis Number 2: A blind spot for infamy is a necessary precondition of stardumb. Intellectual pretensions, however, are merely helpful, though increasingly so when offered to compensate for the non-intellectual source of one's fame.

In an extraordinary interview with Beliefnet, Cusack is asked how he prepared for the title role of art dealer Max Rothmann, a German Jew. However, the interviewer pushes a button by mentioning, en passant, that Cusack himself was raised Catholic. The actor's answer: "I was raised Catholic until I was old enough, you know, to say no. My father was great friends with [peace activist] Phil Berrigan, who just passed away. So obviously, I was informed by his kind of radical, left-wing Jesuit mindset." Notice how even as an ex-Catholic, Cusack seems to want credit for being the right kind of apostate. That established, Cusack goes on to say that "research-wise," he did do "a little work" on the role of Max: "I read a book by a Yale professor, Paul Mendes Flohr, a history of the different manifestations of German Judaism."

Cusack is clearly no humble romantic of the Lloyd Dobler school. Rather, by his name-dropping and hilarious "I read a book by a Yale professor" formulation, Johnny, as he calls himself, shows he genuinely wants to be taken seriously. Just not as the kind of stuffybutt who does a lot of work and takes himself too seriously. Okay, then let us try to take seriously the man whose fame goes back to playing Lane Myer in 1985's inspired bit of silliness, "Better Off Dead."

"You put your schedule on hold until you could make this movie," says interviewer Paul O'Donnell. "Why was this movie so important to you?"

Cusack's answer: "So many reasons. First of all, this notion that Hitler's only original idea was this fusion of art and politics. He saw that the future was going to be a fusion of these two forces. He despised the content of left-wing aesthetics, the art of the avant-garde, but the form he found remarkably powerful. He understood that, in the modern world, whoever controls images and symbols has the power. He understood that art reaches people's subconscious, and that battles will be fought on the spiritual plane of art for people's souls."

First, let's note the inanity of holding Hitler in contempt for his lack of "originality." A man takes over practically all of Europe, he brings about the death of six million Jews, to say nothing of the 20 million Russians who died during World War II, and the many English and French and so on, and Cusack treats him like a second-rate art-school wannabe. The premise itself is of course laughable: Surely, the ultimate relevance of Hitler's artistic endeavors is rather on par with the fact that Josef Stalin once studied in a seminary. (No, wait, that would make a great movie about a priest and a future murderer-dictator going back and forth over theological questions as they represent competing futures for Russia. We can call this Stalin flick "Bill," after the priest who is intrigued by this willful young man with bushy hair and godless ideals.)

Next, has the future, as Cusack says, proven to be a "fusion" of art and politics? What facile nonsense. So generic, so windy, so worthless--as is the idea that "whoever controls images and symbols has the power." The movie poster for "Max" offers another version of the same adolescent theorizing: "Art + Politics = Power."

Stardumb Hypothesis Number 3: People whose success relies largely on images are likely to credit imagery for all kinds of success. Rational examination, however, shows this to be a bit like a tailor saying the reason a politician is so popular is his excellent taste in blue, single-breasted, two-button suits.

The omniscient Cusack then applies his aesthetic view of history to September 11: "The reason bin Laden staggered the planes going into the towers was so every camera would be focused on the second tower when the plane hit. It was not only the murder, but the perpetual image of the horror that permeated into people's consciousness. It was not the murder itself, but the iconography of the murder."

No other comment I know of so perfectly succeeds at capturing the amorality and fatuousness of viewing a real-life calamity as a movie production. Not that Cusack faces all that much competition on this score.

In summary, Johnny boy seems torn between two views. On the one hand, the terrorism of September 11 was a horrible assault on human life. On the other hand, it was great cinema.

The latter take isn't very different from the infamous words of "Prozac Nation" author Elizabeth Wurtzel, who called the World Trade Center attacks "a really strange art project," saying that, visually speaking, Osama's performance piece was a success: It made for a "most amazing sight in terms of sheer elegance. It fell like water. It just slid, like a turtleneck going over someone's head." Incidentally, Miramax has been keeping the movie version of "Prozac Nation" in the vault for about a year now because of the controversy generated by Wurtzel's comments.

Read Cusack's key assertion again: "It was not the murder itself, but the iconography of murder." Bin Laden, you see, is essentially a visual artist. And pretty handy with symbols, like, well, that famous painter, Adolf Hitler. The two of them are/were just a couple of beret-wearing, portfolio-toting, studio-dwelling sketchers struggling with their respective media, and wondering how to make good on their great ambition to change the way we look at the world around us.

Barbrometer: Four out of five Barbra Streisands.

Grader's comment: John Cusack proves that a decent IQ is no defense against idiocy. In fact, certain errors absorb and feed off the mind of a bright person like a plant sucking water through its roots. Making matters worse is the fact that Cusack tries to coast on the expectation of his cleverness. So he lazily dresses his comments in just enough intellectual garb for them to appear deep. As for his thoughts on art and power, well, only a true pseudo-intellectual could be this dumb.

Incidentally . . . Several helpful readers bring our attention to a very funny piece by Laura Billings in the St. Paul Pioneer Press defending stardummies like the peerlessly stupid Martin Sheen. But more important, who knew there could be a stardumb flack? It's apparently a volunteer position, requiring no better understanding of the current situation than that possessed by your clients. My favorite part of Billings's essay is where she compares Sheryl Crow, famous for worrying about the karmic consequences of toppling Saddam, to Martin Luther King Jr., Ghandi, and Jesus Christ.

David Skinner is an assistant managing editor at The Weekly Standard.