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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: JohnM who wrote (74509)2/16/2003 5:08:58 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
U.N. rebuffs call to war

ANALYSIS: Crunch time for Bush as clock ticks

By Marc Sandalow
Washington Bureau Chief
The San Francisco Chronicle
Saturday, February 15, 2003

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Washington -- President Bush, who once preached the virtues of humility in the conduct of foreign policy, now faces a seemingly impossible task of disarming Saddam Hussein without looking like an international bully.

Friday's developments at the United Nations made plain that much of the world remains deeply opposed to a U.S. attack on Iraq, which will be underscored by hundreds of thousands of anti-war protesters around the globe this weekend.

As the U.S.-imposed clock on Iraq's compliance with U.N. weapons inspectors ticks dangerously close to the end, Bush is approaching a difficult choice between backing down from his repeated threats to forcibly remove Hussein, or acting without the United Nations' expressed approval.

Secretary of State Colin Powell refused to concede diplomatic defeat as he rushed into a round of meetings hoping to bridge the gap between the United States and its doubters, who include France, Germany, Russia and China.

But the uncharacteristic applause that greeted the anti-war statements of the French and Russian foreign ministers in the normally placid United Nation's chambers revealed the depth of global emotions lining up against the U.S. position.

"Why not give peace a chance?" asked French Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin, uttering a phrase that is sure to be spoken, chanted and sung at rallies from San Francisco to Paris.

The report by U.N. weapons inspector Hans Blix -- which documented noncompliance by Iraq and instances of improved cooperation -- did nothing to move the reluctant nations closer to the United States -- all but dashing hopes of winning a swift U.N. vote of support for an American-led strike.

If Bush gives the order to attack without U.N. approval "the U.S. will be seen as a rogue superpower, an international outlaw," said University of San Francisco Professor Stephen Zunes, author of "Tinderbox: U.S. Middle East Policy and the Roots of Terrorism."

"The focus of attention will not be on Saddam Hussein's lack of full cooperation with inspectors. Most of the world will see it, rightly or wrongly, as an act of aggression to build a new American imperium."

A DANGEROUS EXAMPLE
Some argue that a U.S.-led pre-emptive strike without something resembling full international backing will seriously damage the country's moral standing and make it harder to persuade other countries not to act on their own.

"What is going to stop Pakistan from invading India when they feel threatened," said former Sen. George McGovern, whose opposition to the Vietnam War was the linchpin of his unsuccessful 1972 bid for the presidency. "It weakens our moral stature."

Bush's aides are quick to point out that the United States does have many nations standing beside it, including Great Britain, Spain, Italy, Australia, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Israel and most of Eastern Europe. And U.N. Resolution 1441, passed by a 15-0 vote by the U.N. Security Council last fall called for "serious consequences" if Iraq did not comply with weapons inspectors.

Yet even many who support taking action, regardless of world opinion, recognize that acting now, without broadening the coalition or perhaps winning another vote from the Security Council, will have serious consequences.

"Of course, it will raise the political costs of a war, and I think that is what France is counting on, that the Bush administration will blink" said James Phillips, an expert on Middle East affairs at the Heritage Foundation.

Some of the political damage will occur at home. Nearly two out of three Americans approve of the United States taking military action against Iraq to remove Hussein from power, according to a poll published Friday by the New York Times. However, when asked whether the U.S. should take military action soon, or give the U.N weapons inspectors more time -- which is the French and German position -- fewer than 4 in 10 supported the White House position of acting soon.

CONDITIONAL SUPPORT
And many members of Congress, such as Sen. Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., have conditioned their support on strong international approval.

"I believe it would be a tremendous mistake for the United States to unilaterally attack Iraq, and I urge the administration to go slow, let the inspectors do their work, and build that international coalition," Feinstein said on the Senate floor in late January.

To many who back Hussein's removal, such political considerations hold little weight.

"I think Bush still has to do the right thing -- even though it's not politically popular in the U.S., or Europe, or the Mideast," Phillips said.

The White House on Friday offered no signs of backing down.

"Saddam Hussein is used to deceiving the world and continues to do so. Saddam Hussein has got ties to terrorist networks," Bush told law enforcement agents gathered at the FBI building. "Saddam Hussein is a danger, and that's why he will be disarmed, one way or the other."

Such talk is a big change from before Sept. 11, 2001, when Bush pursued a far more modest international agenda. As he eyed the presidency, then-Texas Gov. George W. Bush spoke often about the dangers of the United States overstepping its bounds as the world's remaining superpower.

"If we're an arrogant nation, they'll resent us. If we're a humble nation but strong, they'll welcome us. " Bush said during his second debate with then- Vice President Al Gore during the 2000 campaign. "We've got to be humble, and yet project strength in a way that promotes freedom."

Powell suggested Friday that even the appearance of solidarity was crucial to the hopes of unseating Hussein without war.

"I would say there is still a chance for peace," Powell told CNN outside the U.N. General Assembly hall. "But we will not realize that peace . . . if we ever look like we do not have the will to disarm Iraq."

Powell made clear that to the Bush administration, expressing that will meant not backing down from the threat of war. It was clear Friday that not all of the world shares that view.

sfgate.com



To: JohnM who wrote (74509)2/16/2003 5:35:15 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
Pre-emptive strike could endanger U.S. security

BY MARK DAYTON
Guest Columnist
The St. Paul Pioneer Press
Posted on Fri, Feb. 14, 2003
twincities.com

During the last week, our country has been placed on the second highest level of national security alert. As a member of the Senate Armed Services Committee, I met for three hours on Wednesday with the director of the Central Intelligence Agency, George Tenet, and other high-level intelligence officials.

Sen. Norm Coleman and I were among a group of senators who met with Secretary of Homeland Security Tom Ridge on Thursday. These administration officials affirmed that the publicly stated reasons for the heightened alert status are based on very serious forewarnings. At another Armed Services Committee hearing Thursday, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said that we are in "the most dangerous security environment the world has ever known."

I hasten to add that, while nothing is inconceivable, Minnesota is one of the most unlikely sites for a terrorist attack. In the aftermath of 9/11, many Minnesotans commented to me that their distance from both coasts was one of the features they liked most about living in our state. Nevertheless, all Americans would somehow be affected, if attacks within our borders were to occur again.

Current events, while different in content, are similar in context to the threats our country has faced for the last 55 years. Both Republican and Democratic presidents have regularly confronted dangerous dictators in other countries hostile to the United States, who also possessed weapons of mass destruction.

Those presidents successfully protected us, our country and our world through skillful diplomacy, including international treaties and alliances; effective containment, including arms control agreements; and continuous surveillance, backed by unsurpassed military strength.

Their strategies were based upon the realization that those other nations had the military capabilities to inflict serious damage upon our country. They, too, possessed weapons of mass destruction: nuclear, biological and chemical weapons, which could wreak death and destruction upon our country, in retaliation to an attack on their countries. They also knew that the United States would inflict overwhelming destruction upon them, if they attacked us.

For half a century, that "mutually assured destruction" constrained leaders' options and contained nations' actions. Strangely, it helped preserve peace, because leaders and citizens knew that war would likely result in terrible destruction for the winners as well as the losers.

In recent months, however, the actions of the Bush administration have been very different from their predecessors' responses. This president has amassed a large military force next to Iraq. He has been preparing to do what no American president has done before: start a war.

There is no question that the United States would win a war against Iraq. However, there are many unanswered questions. How long would a military victory take, and how costly would it be? How many American soldiers would die, be maimed for life or suffer other injuries? How long and costly would occupying and rebuilding Iraq be? What would the war cost our relationships with other countries and our standing in the world?

What attacks would occur against our citizens, cities and country in retaliation by Iraq, al-Qaida or other terrorist organizations? How many deaths and how much destruction would they cause? What damage would they cause to our economy, our society, and our lives?

Would the military victory be worth those costs? Or would it be, as Winston Churchill said about World War I, that "the price of victory was so high as to be indistinguishable from the cost of defeat"?

Finally, what would be the future consequences of the United States, the world's most powerful nation, launching a pre-emptive attack against another country and eliminating its leader, because of what they might do to us in the future? We lead by our example. The proliferation of nuclear weapons, about which we are rightfully alarmed, shows how our own national security can be endangered when other countries follow down a path we have taken.

The ethical philosopher Immanuel Kant set forth "one categorical imperative" to guide fateful decisions. He said to act only in a way that you want to become a universal law.

By that maxim, this difficult decision should be clear. Previous presidents acted wisely to prevent wars and to not start them. They were right to renounce pre-emptive military attacks, yet also to assure our enemies that we would defend ourselves mightily and retaliate overwhelmingly against provocations. They were wise to build international alliances and working partnerships, rather than act unilaterally and demand acquiescence. Our leaders need their wisdom now.

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Mark Dayton, a Democrat, is the senior U.S. senator from Minnesota and a member of the Armed Services Committee.