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Politics : DON'T START THE WAR -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Just_Observing who wrote (9279)2/17/2003 12:27:01 PM
From: Sultan  Respond to of 25898
 
Not sure whether some one posted this here or not..

Monty Python logic:

Terry Jones (of Monty Python fame) The Observer. England.
I'm really excited by George Bush's latest reason for bombing Iraq: he's running out of patience. And so am I! For some time now I've been really pissed off with Mr Johnson, who lives a couple of doors down the street. Well, him and Mr Patel, who runs the health food shop. They both give me queer looks, and I'm sure Mr Johnson
is planning something nasty for me, but so far I haven't been able to discover what. I've been round to his place a few times to see what he's up to, but he's got everything well hidden. That's how devious he is.

Message 18591046

edit.. after posting this I found a slightly longer version on the net..

chig.blogspot.com



To: Just_Observing who wrote (9279)2/17/2003 12:27:44 PM
From: Just_Observing  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 25898
 
The Case Against War

A Conflict Driven by the Self-Interest of America
By Robert Fisk
© 2002 Independent Digital (UK) Ltd
2-17-3

In the end, I think we are just tired of being lied to. Tired of being talked down to, of being bombarded with Second World War jingoism and scare stories and false information and student essays dressed up as "intelligence". We are sick of being insulted by little men, by Tony Blair and Jack Straw and the likes of George Bush and his cabal of neo-conservative henchmen who have plotted for years to change the map of the Middle East to their advantage.

No wonder, then, that Hans Blix' blunt refutation of America's "intelligence" at the UN yesterday warmed so many hearts. Suddenly, the Hans Blixes of this world could show up the Americans for the untrustworthy "allies" they have become.


The British don't like Hussein any more than they liked Nasser. But millions of Britons remember, as Blair does not, the Second World War -- they are not conned by childish parables of Hitler, Churchill, Chamberlain and appeasement. They do not like being lectured and whined at by men whose experience of war is Hollywood and television.

Still less do they wish to embark on endless wars with a Texas governor-executioner who dodged the Vietnam draft and who, with his oil buddies, is now sending America's poor to destroy a Muslim nation that has nothing at all to do with the crimes against humanity of 11 September. Jack Straw, the public school Trot-turned-warrior, ignores all this, with Blair. He brays at us about the dangers of nuclear weapons that Iraq does not have, of the torture and aggression of a dictatorship that America and Britain sustained when Saddam was "one of ours". But he and Blair cannot discuss the dark political agenda behind George Bush's government, nor the "sinister men" (the words of a very senior UN official) around the President.

Those who oppose war are not cowards. Brits rather like fighting; they've biffed Arabs, Afghans, Muslims, Nazis, Italian Fascists and Japanese imperialists for generations, Iraqis included -- though we play down the RAF's use of gas on Kurdish rebels in the 1930s. But when the British are asked to go to war, patriotism is not enough. Faced with the horror stories, Britons -- and many Americans -- are a lot braver than Blair and Bush. They do not like, as Thomas More told Cromwell in 'A Man for All Seasons', tales to frighten children.

Perhaps Henry VIII's exasperation in that play better expresses the British view of Blair and Bush: "Do they take me for a simpleton?" The British, like other Europeans, are an educated people. Ironically, their opposition to this obscene war may make them feel more, not less, European.

Palestine has much to do with it. Brits have no love for Arabs but they smell injustice fast enough, and are outraged at the colonial war being used to crush the Palestinians by a nation that is now in effect running US policy in the Middle East. We are told that our invasion of Iraq has nothing to do with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict -- a burning, fearsome wound to which Bush devoted just 18 words in his meretricious State of the Union speech -- but even Blair can't get away with that one; hence his "conference" for Palestinian reform at which the Palestinians had to take part via video-link because Israel's Prime Minister, Ariel Sharon, refused to let them travel to London.

So much for Blair's influence over Washington -- the US Secretary of State, Colin Powell, "regretted" that he couldn't persuade Sharon to change his mind. But at least one has to acknowledge that Sharon -- war criminal though he may be for the 1982 Sabra and Shatila massacres -- treated Blair with the contempt he deserves. Nor can the Americans hide the link between Iraq and Israel and Palestine. In his devious address to the UN Security Council last week, Powell linked the three when he complained that Hamas, whose suicide bombings so cruelly afflict Israelis, keeps an office in Baghdad.

Just as he told us about the mysterious al-Qaeda men who support violence in Chechnya and in the "Pankisi gorge". This was America's way of giving Vladimir Putin a free hand again in his campaign of rape and murder against the Chechens, just as Bush's odd remark to the UN General Assembly last September 12 about the need to protect Iraq's Turkomans only becomes clear when one realizes that Turkomans make up two thirds of the population of Kirkuk, one of Iraq's largest oil fields.

The men driving Bush to war are mostly former or still active pro-Israeli lobbyists. For years, they have advocated destroying the most powerful Arab nation. Richard Perle, one of Bush's most influential advisers, Douglas Feith, Paul Wolfowitz, John Bolton and Donald Rumsfeld were all campaigning for the overthrow of Iraq long before George W Bush was elected -- if he was elected -- US President. And they weren't doing so for the benefit of Americans or Britons. A 1996 report, 'A Clean Break: A New Strategy for Securing the Realm':

israeleconomy.org

... called for war on Iraq. It was written not for the US but for the incoming Israeli Likud prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu, and produced by a group headed by -- yes, Richard Perle. The destruction of Iraq will, of course, protect Israel's monopoly of nuclear weapons and allow it to defeat the Palestinians and impose whatever colonial settlement Sharon has in store.


Although Bush and Blair dare not discuss this with us -- a war for Israel is not going to have our boys lining up at the recruiting offices -- Jewish American leaders talk about the advantages of an Iraqi war with enthusiasm. Indeed, those very courageous Jewish American groups who so bravely oppose this madness have been the first to point out how pro-Israeli organizations foresee Iraq not only as a new source of oil but of water, too; why should canals not link the Tigris river to the parched Levant? No wonder, then, that any discussion of this topic must be censored, as Professor Eliot Cohen, of Johns Hopkins University, tried to do in the Wall Street Journal the day after Powell's UN speech. Cohen suggested that European nations' objections to the war might -- yet again -- be ascribed to "anti-Semitism of a type long thought dead in the West, a loathing that ascribes to Jews a malignant intent." This nonsense, it must be said, is opposed by many Israeli intellectuals who,

like Uri Avnery, argue that an Iraq war will leave Israel with even more Arab enemies, especially if Iraq attacks Israel and Sharon then joins the US battle against the Arabs.

The slur of "anti-Semitism" also lies behind Rumsfeld's snotty remarks about "old Europe". He was talking about the "old" Germany of Nazism and the "old" France of collaboration. But the France and Germany that oppose this war are the "new" Europe, the continent which refuses, ever again, to slaughter the innocent. It is Rumsfeld and Bush who represent the "old" America; not the "new" America of freedom, the America of F D Roosevelt. Rumsfeld and Bush symbolize the old America that killed its native Indians and embarked on imperial adventures. It is "old" America we are being asked to fight for -- linked to a new form of colonialism -- an America that first threatens the United Nations with irrelevancy and then does the same to NATO. This is not the last chance for the UN, nor for NATO. But it may well be the last chance for America to be taken seriously by her friends as well as her enemies.

In these last days of peace the British should not be tripped by the oh-so-sought-after second UN resolution. UN permission for America's war will not make the war legitimate; it merely proves that the Council can be controlled with bribes, threats or abstentions. It was the Soviet Union's abstention, after all, which allowed America to fight the savage Korean war under the UN flag. And we should not doubt that -- after a quick US military conquest of Iraq, and providing 'they' die more than 'we' die -- there will be plenty of anti-war protesters who will claim they were pro-war all along. The first pictures of "liberated" Baghdad will show Iraqi children making victory signs to American tank crews. But the real cruelty and cynicism of this conflict will become evident as soon as the "war" ends, when our colonial occupation of a Muslim nation for the US and Israel begins.

There lies the rub. Bush calls Sharon a "man of peace". But Sharon fears he may yet face trial over Sabra and Shatila, which is why Israel has just withdrawn its ambassador to Belgium. I'd like to see Saddam in the same court. And Rifaat Assad, for his 1982 massacre in the Syrian city of Hama. And all the torturers of Israel and the Arab dictatorships.

Israeli and US ambitions in the region are now entwined, almost synonymous. This war is about oil and regional control. It is being cheer-led by a draft-dodger who is treacherously telling us that this is part of an eternal war against "terror". And the British and most Europeans don't believe him. It's not that Britons wouldn't fight for America. They just don't want to fight for Bush or his friends. And if that includes the Prime Minister, they don't want to fight for Blair either.

rense.com



To: Just_Observing who wrote (9279)2/17/2003 12:32:08 PM
From: Karen Lawrence  Respond to of 25898
 
Bush is ready to spill a lot of blood to achieve this (as long as it is not American blood). They're ready with 100k body bags for American casualties.

The US terror alert
Washington employs fear and panic as instruments of war
By Bill Vann
14 February 2003
(Fear and panic caused the crush killing 21 in Chicago last night)
The Bush administration, together with the government of Tony Blair in Britain, has over the past week launched a concerted campaign to sow fear and terror among the American and British people in an effort to overcome widespread opposition to the impending invasion of Iraq.

Following the Homeland Security Department’s declaration of a “code orange” terror alert in the US, humvees mounted with anti-aircraft batteries have been deployed in the shadows of the Washington Monument and the US Capitol, while machine-gun toting SWAT teams have been sent into the streets of New York City. In London, tanks and combat troops are patrolling Heathrow Airport.

Why has “code orange,” signifying a “high” threat of terrorist attacks, been declared? No US official has offered a specific or credible reason. Vague references are made to “increased chatter” overheard by intelligence agencies, the end of the Haj in Mecca, etc. There is not a single verifiable fact.

The US media makes no attempt to critically examine the government’s claims. On the contrary, it accepts every claim made by the government as fact, while working to hype the warnings and promote popular panic and anxiety. NBC Nightly News, for example, on Thursday included a segment on the operations—alleged without any substantiation—of Al Qaeda cells supposedly active within the US.

In announcing “code orange,” Homeland Security Secretary Tom Ridge insisted that the alert was based on “the accumulation of credible corroborated sources, none of which are connected to the possibility of military involvement with Iraq.” Ridge’s words were obviously aimed at countering the well-founded suspicion among broad layers of the public that the terror warning has everything to do with the coming “military involvement with Iraq.”

What purpose does the terror alert serve? It has nothing to do with protecting the American people. For all of the pronouncements, there is no indication whatsoever that the US government has developed any serious public health plan to deal with a mass disaster caused by chemical, biological or nuclear attacks. Rather, the Bush administration is proposing to slash $2 billion in funding for firefighters and other emergency workers who would respond to a disaster, while urging members of the public to buy duct tape and plastic sheeting, materials that most experts believe would be useless in such an emergency.

As with the terror alerts announced after the September 11 hijack bombings, the people are given no serious instructions as to how they should respond. Government officials advise them to proceed with their lives as normal, but be more “alert.” The only substance of such instructions is for the American people to accept as a fact of life the presence of troops, tanks and missile batteries on the streets and at public venues, and accede to the erosion of their civil liberties.

The real objectives behind the administration’s color-coded terror warnings are political. First, they serve to put the entire political and media establishment on notice that there is to be no more questioning of the administration’s war policy, on pain of being charged with aiding and abetting terrorism. Both the Democratic politicians and the major print and broadcast outlets have obediently complied.

Second, they provide a pretext for a crackdown on popular dissent. It can hardly be an accident that the warnings specifically referred to the heightened possibility of a terrorist attack through this weekend, coinciding with mass demonstrations on every continent that are expected to bring 10 to 15 million people into the streets. Already, the attempts to organize such protests in the US have met with unprecedented attacks on fundamental democratic rights, with the New York City Police Department, backed by a posse of federal judges, denying demonstrators the right to march.

The latest alert was issued in the wake of revelations that the Justice Department had drafted legislation that would dramatically strengthen the police-state powers assumed by the government with the passage of the 2001 USA PATRIOT Act. Provisions included in this document would allow the federal government to declare any US citizen an official enemy at war with the nation. People could be imprisoned or stripped of their citizenship for supporting a group or even an individual deemed by the US to be terrorist. The publication of information on the fate of these individuals would likewise be a crime. The leaking of the document prompted outrage from civil liberties groups, but the controversy has been superseded by the new “terrorist threat.”

Finally, the warning of imminent attack works to increase public anxiety, politically disorient the populace, and thereby facilitate the execution of the Bush administration’s war plans.

There is every reason to treat the claims of an imminent terrorist threat with the greatest skepticism. This is a government whose modus operandi is lying, provocation and intimidation. Such were the means utilized by the Bush campaign to gain control of the White House in the 2000 election, employing physical threats to halt ballot counts and relying on the intervention of the right-wing Supreme Court majority to secure power.

Such methods reflect the essential social and political character of the Bush administration. It is a government that, in its policies, outlook and personnel, embodies the most reactionary and predatory sections of the ruling elite—precisely those which employed criminal methods to plunder the economy and enrich themselves over the past two decades.

It operates with utter contempt for both democratic rights and the sentiments of the majority of the American people. The administration is well aware of the yawning gap between the criminal war it is preparing to launch and the lack of any broad base of popular support for such a venture.

Speech after speech by Bush, Secretary of State Colin Powell and others proclaiming Iraq a mortal threat to the United States have failed to shift the majority of the population from either outright opposition or skepticism toward the administration’s brief for war. Claims that the invasion will “liberate” the Iraqi people from tyranny or end human rights abuses have been equally ineffective.

What remains is an appeal to naked fear, with the claim that terrorist attacks are imminent and that invading Iraq is the only way to halt them. It is a pretext founded on distortions and lies. Powell’s speech to the UN Security Council included a string of allegations aimed at demonstrating collaboration between Al Qaeda, the movement blamed for the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, and the regime of Saddam Hussein in Baghdad. In barely a week, all of these accusations have proven false.

The key figure linking Al Qaeda and the Baathist regime in Iraq was said to be Abu Musab Zarqawi, portrayed as an Al Qaeda associate enjoying safe haven in Baghdad. But in testimony before the Senate Armed Service Committee this week, CIA Director George Tenet acknowledged that Zarqawi and his organization are “independent” of Al Qaeda. Following Tenet’s testimony, moreover, US intelligence sources told the Washington Post they had no idea where Zarqawi was.

On Tuesday Powell breathlessly announced the existence of an audiotape allegedly made by Osama bin Laden. It demonstrated “how he is in partnership with Iraq,” said the secretary of state, adding, “This nexus between terrorist states that are developing weapons of mass destruction can no longer be looked away from and ignored.”

This word “nexus” can be loosely translated as “crude fabrication” meant to provide a pretext for war. Powell was lying about the content of the audiotape. It included denunciations of Saddam Hussein and his supporters as “infidels.” It stated, “The socialists [Iraq’s ruling Arab Baath Socialist Party] and the rulers have lost their legitimacy a long time ago, and the socialists are infidels regardless of where they are, whether in Baghdad or in Aden.”

If the tape is indeed genuine and demonstrates anything, it is bin Laden’s contempt for Saddam Hussein and his intention to seize upon a war of aggression against Iraq to promote his own reactionary movement as the sole resistance to Washington’s attempt to dominate the Middle East. Bin Laden’s claims of solidarity with the Iraqi people are no more proof of a “nexus” with the Baghdad regime than Bush’s posturing as the “liberator” of Iraq makes the US president Saddam Hussein’s ally.

Can the possibility of a terrorist attack be excluded? Certainly not. The Bush administration’s war drive against Iraq, combined with its unwavering support for the campaign of military repression waged by Israel against the Palestinians in the occupied territories, has no doubt generated immense popular anger in the Middle East, some of which may be diverted into the retrograde politics of terror practiced by Osama bin Laden’s Al Qaeda and similar movements.

That being said, it is worth recalling one of the stage effects included in Colin Powell’s speech to the United Nations Security Council last week. Powell held up a small vial and said that it could contain the same amount of anthrax used in attacks that killed two postal workers, sent hundreds to the hospital and led to the evacuation of the US Capitol and other government office buildings in Washington.

The gesture was revealing. It is now well established that the anthrax used in these attacks, which were directed at two top Senate Democrats and the media, came not from Iraq or Al Qaeda, but from US military stockpiles. The prime suspects are linked to US biological weapons programs. In carrying out the attacks, the perpetrator or perpetrators sent messages designed to make them appear like the work of Islamist terrorists. Powell’s use of this example underscored the fraudulent nature of the entire US case for war.

All of the evidence indicates that the only deadly terrorist attacks since September 11, 2001 and the only use of chemical weapons on US soil had their origins within the national security apparatus of the US government itself. No one has ever been arrested for these attacks and the authorities have remained silent on any attempt to catch those responsible. The government’s role in relation to this act of terrorism is characterized by conspiracy and cover-up.

It should further be noted that the US government has never, 17 months after the fact, undertaken a serious investigation into the terror attacks of September 11, 2001. It has never offered the American people an explanation of precisely what happened, and how the perpetrators were able to carry out their crime despite massive US surveillance of bin Laden and his cohorts. The lack of any such accounting not only reeks of cover-up and possible complicity, it also makes a mockery of the government’s current claims to be motivated purely by concerns for the safety and security of the American people.

If an act of terrorism does occur under the current political conditions, the Bush administration itself or elements within the state intelligence or military apparatus would themselves be prime suspects. In their desperation to launch a war, it cannot be excluded that they will either provoke or allow terrorist violence against US citizens to provide what they until now have lacked, a convincing casus belli for the long-planned military conquest of Iraq.

wsws.org