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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Mannie who wrote (13246)2/20/2003 8:21:53 PM
From: crdesign  Respond to of 89467
 
I prefer a three three ;)

Gotta love you.

Tim

P.I.S.S. < that's how the remodel is going.



To: Mannie who wrote (13246)2/20/2003 8:44:40 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
This Road to Hell Is Paved With Bush's Bad Choices

Misguided tax cuts hurt the economy, and diplomatic bungling resulted in our foreign policy crisis

by John B. Judis
Editorial
Published on Thursday, February 20, 2003 by the Los Angeles Times

With the Cold War's end, many Americans thought we could close our air raid shelters and take the trillions of dollars that had gone into the military and put them into making our lives better by turning toward the pursuit of happiness rather than the defense of our liberty.

And some of that did happen in the last half of the 1990s, during the Clinton-era boom. But only three years into a new century, the United States finds itself plagued by rising unemployment, soaring budget deficits, constricted civil liberties, the threat of terrorist attack and the prospect of a war with, and occupation of, Iraq. We've gone from the best of times to the worst of times.

The Bush administration tells us that it is entirely because of Al Qaeda and now Saddam Hussein that we face these difficulties, but the dark clouds that hang over our country are largely the result of Bush administration policies.

Take the economy. Sure, an economic downturn was inevitable after the speculative excesses of the '90s, and 9/11 certainly hurt airlines and hotels. But the Bush policies of enormous tax cuts directed at the most wealthy, and equally large increases in military spending, will prolong the current slump well through the decade, leaving large deficits just as baby boomers begin to retire.

The nation won't necessarily be in recession, but it will suffer, as it did during the high-deficit Reagan years, from above-average unemployment and below-average growth. And our vaunted advantage over our industrial competitors will narrow.

That won't be because of Osama bin Laden; that will be because of George W. Bush.

Or take the current prospects of war with Iraq. Bad foreign policy creates bad choices, as in Vietnam in the 1960s. By the time the Iraq issue landed back in the United Nations Security Council this month, Americans had no good options about whether to go to war with Iraq. Doing so could create heavy costs down the road, increase the incidence of terrorism and split our longtime alliances; not doing so could also inspire terrorists and split other longtime alliances.

But the question is how we got to this dilemma. We got here because of bad choices.

Al Qaeda was an offshoot of the Soviet war in Afghanistan and of the first Gulf War, after which, through an act of folly, we decided to maintain a major military presence in Saudi Arabia -- creating a rallying point for Al Qaeda without improving Saudi security.

Though few of Al Qaeda's recruits came from the clash of Israelis and Palestinians, that conflict remained the single greatest source of instability in the Mideast.

After 9/11, we had a clear path before us: wage war against Al Qaeda and those regimes that sustained it, while simultaneously waging peace in the Mideast by using our considerable influence to force the Israelis and Palestinians back to the negotiating table.

The Bush administration did wage war against Al Qaeda and the Taliban. But instead of seeking negotiations, the administration sided with Israeli leader Ariel Sharon, who responded to terrorist attacks against Israeli civilians by trying to destroy the Palestinian Authority -- Israel's only viable negotiating partner. That made it impossible for the U.S. to win anything but grudging support from other Arab governments for our conflict with Iraq, and it also inflamed Islamic radicals.

As for Iraq, if our initial goal had been the reasonable and important one of preventing Hussein from acquiring nuclear weapons, there was a host of options that could have been pursued, such as a demand for inspections coupled with the threat of an air campaign against any potential military target.

If these efforts had failed, their failure would have created far more support for an invasion than currently exists. Instead, the Bush administration began by demanding "regime change," declaring its willingness to fight a preventive war, and sending troops.

It took the very last, fateful step before it had taken the first. As a result, the troops are there, and we have to use them or risk a credibility crisis.

We also face the entirely predictable prospect of an enhanced threat from Al Qaeda -- exactly what the Bush policies set out to eliminate. Secretary of State Colin Powell claims that Bin Laden's latest jeremiad, urging Muslims to commit acts of martyrdom to defend Iraq against the U.S., is evidence of a partnership between Hussein and Bin Laden.

What it actually shows is that U.S. foreign policy has managed to accomplish the one thing that it should have avoided: bringing into a tacit alliance two people who were previously at each other's throats and who still hold each other in contempt.

And, of course, this new threat has spawned new terrorism alerts and instructions to put duct tape on our windows, stock up on canned peaches and watch out for any swarthy-looking foreigners. It also has provided cover for conservative Republicans who want to roll back our environmental laws and privatize Medicare and Social Security.

We are on a fast train to hell, and the question is when the American people are going to decide they want to get off.
_____________________________________

John B. Judis is senior editor of the New Republic.

Copyright 2003 Los Angeles Times

commondreams.org



To: Mannie who wrote (13246)2/20/2003 11:51:21 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Riding With Bill Maher

By Terrence McNally
AlterNet
February 20, 2003
alternet.org

On Sept. 17, 2001, six days after the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington, Bill Maher made this now-infamous remark: "We have been the cowards lobbing cruise missiles from 2,000 miles away. That's cowardly. Staying in the airplane when it hits the building? Say what you want about it, it's not cowardly."

Those words ran afoul of Press Secretary Ari Fleischer. They also aggravated ABC and Disney, which insisted that Maher's comment and some sponsors' cancellations had nothing to do with his show's eventual cancellation.

"Politically Incorrect," which Maher created in 1993, won four Cable Ace Awards at Comedy Central; after it moved to ABC in '97, it was nominated for several Emmy Awards. His newest book is "When You Ride Alone, You Ride With Bin Laden." His new show, "Real Time With Bill Maher," will debut on HBO at 11:30pm on Friday, Feb. 21.

Maher recently had the following conversation with Terrence McNally, host of the radio show, Free Forum.

Terrence McNally: How did "Politically Incorrect" happen?

Bill Maher: I did an election night special in '92 for Comedy Central. It went well, and they were a new network open to ideas. I didn't even do a pilot. I just said: I've always wanted to do a show with an Algonquin type roundtable of mismatched characters who'd otherwise never be caught dead together in the same room.

You've said you were shocked that it lasted nine years.

I'm shocked that we lasted six on ABC. ....Though, I'll tell you, as time goes by, whenever I hear my comment from last September 17 it seems less and less radical. I'm more and more befuddled how anyone could've twisted it into a critique of the military, which it wasn't.

I don't think anyone if they heard it today would be that upset. Which just shows you where our heads were right after that attack.

But you know, there was a good side to that time too. For about a month or two, this country was ready to change. And I will always hold it against this president for not taking advantage of that and asking people to really do anything to change.

...Except to resume shopping.

Right. "Go see Cats! Take the wife out to dinner. Keep that economy pumping."

And you point out that sacrifice has always been – at least through Roosevelt and Kennedy – an American trait.

Right. That's a lot of what the new book is about. There was a World War II propaganda poster: "When You Ride Alone, You Ride With Hitler" – trying to get people to join a car-sharing club. And that message is just as relevant today because we're also in a war that involves oil.

... much more so.

Yeah, a lot of people say the Japanese attacked us because we cut off their oil supply and they saw no other way out. I don't know about that. But I do know that Bin Laden and his ilk get their money, albeit indirectly, from oil. They don't get it from drugs like the Administration would like you to believe. It's not the Medellin Cartel that's sending them money. People get their money from their relatives. And excuse me, but these are Arabs attacking us and Arabs make oil. Period.

Oil money goes to finance Madrases, which are of course prep schools for hate. ...and oil money pays for telethons for suicide bombers. How did Bin Laden get rich? Well, it's because the people in Saudi Arabia got rich from oil and they paid his family to construct things there.

Every time there's an oil interruption, a problem in Venezuela or Ecuador or somewhere, Saudi Arabia makes a big announcement: "We're going to pump another 500,000 barrels this month to ease prices." Then they're the big heroes.

Therefore, we can't really be dispassionate about the other side of the equation, which is, this is where the hate is coming from. I don't care what they try to sell you. The center of that religion is Mecca. It's literally a Mecca for the very radical form of the religion that is practiced over there. Very radical, very hateful. You look at the textbooks in the schools over there, and the basic idea is: Non-Muslims are infidels and Americans are pretty evil. But we can't really hold their feet to the fire on stuff like that as long as we're so beholden to them on the oil issue.

When did you make the connection that the linkage of war and sacrifice has been lost to this generation?

I've had this poster book from World War II for a long time. Many of them are familiar. Uncle Sam Wants You. Obviously people know that one. Rosy the Riveter. Loose Lips Sink Ships. Some of these images are pretty familiar, I think, even to the guy on the street, but many of them are not.

By the way, when I say "propaganda poster," that's not a knock. Propaganda is not always a bad word, and this country was very unabashed about using propaganda to get the citizens of America to help in the war effort.

During World War II, the things that people could do were many and varied, including saving oil, but it was also saving tin, planting a victory garden, working harder. You know, they were very unafraid to just put their finger in the chest of Joe Citizen and say: "Hey, bub, get out there and work hard. The harder you work, the sooner the boys will come home."

This is a different war, and it may not be saving tin or planting a victory garden, but there are things we can do. And that's what the 33 posters in this book are about.

That's even the subtitle. "What the government should be telling us to help fight the war on terrorism." I'm sure a lot of people would be shocked to find Bill Maher saying, as you do in the preface, that you love this country.

I don't think people who watched my show [Politically Incorrect] would be shocked to find out I love this country. I always say, a real patriot is like a real friend – the one who tells you the truth. The one who really gives it to you straight. After you think about it for a day or two, you come back to that guy and say: "You know what? Thanks a lot for telling me that because somebody needed to and I appreciate it." That's the kind of friend I think people should be to their country, and that's the kind of friend I am to America.

What do you think happened to the role of the citizen as part of something bigger than a consumer group?

Well, somewhere along the way we confused freedom with not being asked to sacrifice.

The freedom to do what we damn well please...?

Right, and that's not what being an American means. It's wonderful that we have all this freedom and it's wonderful that we have all this prosperity. But for too many the idea of being an American and being free is: "Don't ever ask me to do anything, I'll drive whatever the hell I wanna drive! What do you think this is, Europe, bub?" That's not what is going to get the job done in the war on terror.

In 1963 when Kennedy said: "Ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country," that wasn't just elevator music, not just words from the latest empty suit to occupy the Oval Office. That was real stuff delivered to a country that had been through a war 15 years earlier, a war in which he'd made the sacrifice himself. And so there was no cynicism when people heard that. They nodded and went: "Yeah, that's about right."

We've come a long way in 40 years. A long way from that and we should get back to it.

On September 12, 2001 there should have been a dual mission. One, we're going to get al-Qaeda; and two, we're going to get oil independence. Do you think this Administration was particularly incapable of making that message?

Because of their ties to oil, of course. It's a shame. Bush could've been the exact guy to do it because it would've been a Nixon-to-China kind of a thing. He would've been the one guy who if he went up against oil, would've had a lot of credibility. But he spit the bit, in my opinion, on that one. He always claims, "I don't need a poll or a focus group to tell me what I think." Really, Mr. President, then why don't you fire Karl Rove?

Not that he's a dumb guy or a puppet, but he is as much as anybody I have ever seen, a politician. And politicians do not want to lose high approval ratings. And I think he's so trained, as all the politicians are nowadays, not to ask people to sacrifice. The government is only there to give you goodies. Never to ask of you, only to give. When Carter asked people to put on a sweater, they practically ran him out of town.

This president and this Administration are very eager for war, but they leave out the part that says: This war involves you guys...

I don't mind us going up against Saddam Hussein. I used to argue on my show that fighting off evil dictators is actually the liberal thing to do because it comes from the word "to liberate." Those poor people in Iraq have lived under a horrible police state for long enough, and we have the power to liberate the heel of the boot off their necks.

We've had Saddam in a nice little box for the last 12 years. I mean, he was basically the Mayor of Baghdad. He did not control most of his own country. Our planes flew over the north end of it, the south end of it, and we routinely fired upon his anti-aircraft batteries and any of his planes that got off the ground.

Not in the news very often, but a weekly event.

We sort of had him tied up. And for that reason, I don't think he thought about going offensive. Now if we attack, we're giving him a reason to use chemical weapons. And that could get real nasty. Even if it doesn't kill a lot of guys at the time, I bet you in 5, 10 years...

Gulf War Syndrome; even the government and the Justice Department finally admit there's something to it. And that was hardly a ground war.

By the time the effects show up, everyone who was so eager for this war will be long gone.

We're also talking about somebody who, no matter how much they try to sell it, is not part of the al-Qaeda operation.

Bin Laden hates the royal family of Saudi Arabia. He doesn't hate the country, but he hates the monarchy who, in his view, are way too secular and way too corrupt. And for the same reason, he hates Saddam Hussein because he's not a true believer. He's not all about Allah. He's about power and gold and oil and Viagra.

It's amazing the way the Administration was able to pull off this switch: "We're going to go after Bin Laden ... we gotta get Bin Laden ... we gotta get Bin Laden ... Hussein." Suddenly it morphed like a hologram. And I worry that by doing this, we actually drive these two guys together who otherwise hate each other.

As funny as it is, your book, "When You Ride Alone, You Ride With Bin Laden," is more serious than people might've expected.

I'm a comedian so I sometimes get to the end of a sentence, and it's a joke. But it's a serious book. I think what hooks even little kids into it is that there are 33 posters that are really provocative. You know the old saying: "Do I have to draw you a picture?" Well, for some people, you do.

This goes very well with your friend Arianna Huffington's anti-SUV campaign. By the way, I was the first person to give her a ride in a Prius.

Well, you should be honored because now she won't get out of it. People still ask me about mine: "How much do you have to plug it in?" You don't have to plug it in; you just drive it like any other car. It's a hybrid. You don't have any of the pain and the problem of an electric car – a totally electric car. But you're going to get 55, 60 miles to the gallon.

And if there's a war, gas prices are only going to go up even more.

Not that we really care about that over here because gas is so cheap.

A number of posters in the book deal with why they hate us. Because I think one thing that's been very lacking in this war on terrorism is the long-range approach. Yes, in the short range, we gotta go get Bin Laden and al-Qaeda, and certainly shore up the homeland defense, which is not shored up at all if I read the Hart Report.

You point out that the way they're approaching airport security is show, not reality.

It's a complete Potemkin village; it's nonsense. I'm having a wand passed over my arms while I sign an autograph. I just want to make a rule: Either I'm a guy who signs autographs, or I'm a possible terrorist. I don't think you can be both.

What's the new show going to be like? Similar? Different?

Both similar and different. We're going to have a full hour on HBO – without commercials. I think the biggest complaint about "Politically Incorrect" was it was a half-hour show – minus commercials. Five people basically trying to say something in about 20 minutes of actual airtime.

In this show, we're also going to have more of an all-star panel – a rotating pool of about seven or eight people. And there'll be some different elements. There'll be a satellite interview and a stand-up comedy piece at the end. But I think the heart of it will still be a 20, 25-minute panel of three of my favorites each week.

I want to get back to Iraq for one second. One of the things I haven't heard enough people saying is: Wouldn't it be cheaper to just keep a permanent inspection regime and not have to ramp up to war?

Yeah... absolutely, though I don't know if the UN would go for that. But it seems like we're working backwards like when we did chemistry labs. You know, you'd get the answer first, and then you'd work backwards to make the data fit. Or the way some people do their taxes. They write down what they want to pay on them and then they work backwards from there. We seem to be doing that here. It's like they seem to have a date that they want to go to war because I know that you don't want to go to war in the summer over there, it's too hot.

They had a date when they said it was good to sell the product by.

Right. Exactly. You know, this is a very punctual Administration. This ain't like the Clintons with the pizza boxes and the dorm room mentality and people getting sex all over the place. This is a very on-time Administration. And they want to go to war by, I would say, March the latest. So that means everything else has to be backed up from there.

So it just seems like there's an inevitability that there shouldn't be. I don't think it'll be the worst thing in the world if we topple Saddam Hussein. And Lord knows that part of the world needs a shaking up badly. But if we're not going to put it back together, then we are going to wind up being hated more than ever by the entire Muslim world. And that's what I fear the most. To me, the big big bugaboo in this is the pool of hatred from the Muslim world. That is where the recruits come to al-Qaeda.

And as long as that pool remains stagnant, we're going to be living with this problem for the rest of our lives. Now, if we went into Iraq and stayed there, and did some nation-building, which I know Bush didn't speak too well of during the campaign, but maybe he's got religion on it. If our foreign policy would start liberating the Arab world, I think we might have a chance to turn this thing around, and maybe we wouldn't be so hated and they wouldn't be able to say: "Oh, well, you know, you put these dictators on the throne in the first place and it's your foreign policy that keeps us down."

Try a little Marshall Plan.

Yeah, exactly.

Do you have any heroes?

Arianna's one of my heroes because she changed her whole outlook over the years. When people say – it always makes me laugh – "Why don't you run for office?" Well, there are many reasons I couldn't nor would I want to. But one reason I'm glad I'm not a politician is politicians are not allowed to change their mind.

That's a flip-flop.

Right. If 30 years later you don't agree with what you said back in 1972 that is somehow taken as a lack of constancy on your part. "Can he be trusted?" And my point of view is, if you haven't changed in 30 years, you really can't be trusted. Boy, what a moron you are. I guess nothing in the world changed, you didn't read anything new, no information entered your head that might affect your thoughts on things. So I admire people who can make a change. And Arianna did.

I also think that we have a field of Democrats who are not terribly respected and they don't seem to be catching fire. But I think Al Sharpton is going to really change things. I'm glad he's in it, I don't think he's going to win. But Democrats are going to have to get a lot more real with him in the race as far as he goes. The Democrats' problem is that they refuse to defend what they really believe in. They constantly keep trying to be more like the Republicans. And he's not going to let that happen.

_____________________________________________________
Interviewer Terrence McNally has worked as a writer, producer, and director of documentaries. He is the host of Free Forum on KPFK 90.7fm, Los Angeles (streaming at kpfk.org), where he interviews people in search of "a world that just might work."



To: Mannie who wrote (13246)2/25/2003 3:51:58 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Gaining an empire, losing democracy?

By Norman Mailer
Tribune Media Services
Tuesday, February 25, 2003

Iraq is an excuse

LOS ANGELES - There is a subtext to what the Bushites are doing as they prepare for war in Iraq. My hypothesis is that President George W. Bush and many conservatives have come to the conclusion that the only way they can save America and get it off its present downslope is to become a regime with a greater military presence and drive toward empire. My fear is that Americans might lose their democracy in the process.

By downslope I'm referring not only to the corporate scandals, the church scandals and the FBI scandals. The country has gone kind of crazy in the eyes of conservatives. Also, kids can't read anymore. Especially for conservatives, the culture has become too sexual.

Iraq is the excuse for moving in an imperial direction. War with Iraq, as they originally conceived it, would be a quick, dramatic step that would enable them to control the Near East as a powerful base - not least because of the oil there, as well as the water supplies from the Tigris and Euphrates rivers - to build a world empire.

The Bushites also expect to bring democracy to the region and believe that in itself will help to diminish terrorism. But I expect the opposite will happen: terrorists [read: Judeofascists] are not impressed by democracy. They loathe it. They are fundamentalists of the most basic kind. The more successful democracy is in the Near East - not likely in my view - the more terrorism it will generate.

The only outstanding obstacle to the drive toward empire in the Bushites' minds is China. Indeed, one of the great fears in the Bush administration about America's downslope is that the "stem studies" such as science, technology and engineering are all faring poorly in U.S. universities. The number of American doctorates is going down and down. But the number of Asians obtaining doctorates in those same stem studies are increasing at a great rate.

Looking 20 years ahead, the administration perceives that there will come a time when China will have technology superior to America's. When that time comes, America might well say to China that "we can work together," we will be as the Romans to you Greeks. You will be our extraordinary, well-cultivated slaves. But don't try to dominate us. That would be your disaster. This is the scenario that some of the brightest neoconservatives are thinking about. (I use Rome as a metaphor, because metaphors are usually much closer to the truth than facts).

What has happened, of course, is that the Bushites have run into much more opposition than they thought they would from other countries and among the home population. It may well end up that we won't have a war, but a new strategy to contain Iraq and wear Saddam down. If that occurs, Bush is in terrible trouble.

My guess though, is that, like it or not, want it or not, America is going to go to war because that is the only solution Bush and his people can see.

The dire prospect that opens, therefore, is that America is going to become a mega-banana republic [read: a mega-Israel] where the army will have more and more importance in Americans' lives. It will be an ever greater and greater overlay on the American system. And before it is all over, democracy, noble and delicate as it is, may give way. My long experience with human nature - I'm 80 years old now - suggests that it is possible that fascism, not democracy, is the natural state.

Indeed, democracy is the special condition - a condition we will be called upon to defend in the coming years. That will be enormously difficult because the combination of the corporation, the military and the complete investiture of the flag with mass spectator sports has set up a proto-fascistic atmosphere in America already.
_____________________________________________________

Norman Mailer's latest book is "The Spooky Art: Some Thoughts on Writing." This comment was adapted from remarks Feb. 22 to the Los Angeles Institute for the Humanities and distributed by Global Viewpoint/Tribune Media Services International.

iht.com



To: Mannie who wrote (13246)2/26/2003 5:45:08 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Microsoft has clearly done a lot for the Puget Sound area...

Company sparks region's growth
By Brier Dudley
Seattle Times technology reporter
Tuesday, February 25, 2003 - 09:29 a.m. Pacific

seattletimes.nwsource.com


The flood of new millionaires created by Microsoft has slowed to a trickle. But even if the company never creates another software tycoon, it continues to have an outsized effect rivaling — and in some ways surpassing — that of Boeing, which shaped Seattle through most of the past century and has three times the number of employees.

In jobs, in wealth creation, in real estate, in the spawning of scores of smaller businesses, the company that put Redmond on the map has spread its influence deep and wide in its quarter-century of existence.

And it has resources to do more. Even during the current downturn, the world's biggest and most powerful software company is selling more than $2 billion worth of software a month and has more than $43 billion in cash, the biggest hoard in corporate America.

While Microsoft employs 25,893 in Washington, its reach goes far beyond those who get a paycheck.

"Microsoft has had an effect on the economy that is in some sense immeasurable — the great wealth that's been created, and the lasting effects that wealth has on the economy in terms of spending or as a source of venture capital," said Dick Conway, a Seattle economist hired by Microsoft to study its economic effect.

Conway's upcoming report for the company concludes that Microsoft was the single largest contributor to economic growth in Washington from 1990 to 2001, accounting for one-seventh of the total gain in state employment.

Other findings from Conway's study include:

• Every job at Microsoft supports 3.4 other jobs in the economy, higher than the 2.5 jobs supported by Boeing.

• Directly and indirectly, Microsoft accounted for 128,000 jobs, or 3.6 percent of the total in Washington.

• Microsoft employees made an average base salary of $89,600 in 2001. Including stock options and other benefits, they averaged $255,000, nearly seven times the state average.

• In-state employees made $2.4 billion in wages in 2001. In addition, they had $3.5 billion in stock-option income.

• To support operations, the company spent $800 million on goods and services from Washington producers.

• From 1990 to 2001, Microsoft was responsible for more than a fourth — 28.3 percent — of King County's employment growth.

"It is remarkable because we did have a strong upturn, particularly here in King County, in the latter part of the decade, and still Microsoft accounted for better than one-fourth of the growth," Conway said.

But it will be a different story this decade, when stock options are expected to have an increasingly smaller effect. Economists say the option phenomenon that funneled billions into the area in the late '90s is on a downswing.


Lately, more than half of the options have become worthless, and they will never create outrageous wealth unless the stock takes off again.

"I think the era of newly created Microsoft millionaires is virtually over," said Roberta Pauer, the state's regional labor economist in Seattle.

Two giants

One way to size up Microsoft's effect is to compare it with Boeing, the company that arguably still has the most sway over the state economy.

As a manufacturing company, Boeing will probably always employ more people than Microsoft, but the airplane maker is cutting jobs, selling off facilities and talking of possibly building its next jetliner elsewhere.

Microsoft, meanwhile, is hiring thousands, expanding its campus in Redmond and is expected to start construction on another in Issaquah this summer.

Both of the titans have undergone a midlife transition that led to structural changes, new corporate visions and a push to diversify into new markets. Both also made the changes as demand weakened for the core products that established their initial success — airplanes and software for desktop computers.

But unlike Boeing, Microsoft has no plans to embody its new self-image by moving its headquarters to a skyscraper in a larger city.

"We're very satisfied where we are," said Chairman Bill Gates, a Seattle native who founded the company 28 years ago with Paul Allen, a pal from Lakeside School.

While Boeing executives complain about the business climate in Seattle — often in conjunction with lobbying efforts — Gates and Microsoft Chief Executive Steve Ballmer credit the region as a factor in the company's success.

"Most (employees) are in Seattle and are very keen to benefit from the things that are great about the area," Gates said. "So being in Seattle has worked super well for us, and it's not something that we'd ever, ever change."

Traffic congestion and the challenge of growing in the increasingly dense suburbs are concerns, but Gates said Microsoft still wants to concentrate its development work in one place.

"It's a challenge, but it allows us to innovate across the boundaries and get a level of coordination that, if we split it into too many locations, we just wouldn't get," he said.

It's true that, under pressure to control costs, the company is farming out noncritical work to contracting companies in India, a move drawing criticism from labor groups. Those groups contend such hiring comes at the expense of higher-paid American jobs.

Ballmer said governments frequently ask the company to expand its development work into their territory. Already the company is doing that in China and at its development center in Hyderabad, India, where Ballmer said he would like to add hundreds of jobs.

But the company said most of the new development jobs will continue to be added locally.

"A lot of people would like us to do more R&D elsewhere, but we like having things close," he said. "And that could conceivably change at some standpoint, if the Seattle market really does saturate for us, but I don't think that's anytime in the near future."

In the driver's seat

While economist Conway's work is widely respected and cited by state forecasters, others are less certain about the company's economic effect locally. It's especially hard to figure the impact of option income, because it fluctuates with the stock price and it's not clear how much is spent locally, said Pauer, the regional economist.

"It's an intractable problem," she said. "You have no way of knowing, with the stock-option values, how much are spent locally in real estate or venture capital, in startups vs. investment in the national stock market, or out of state."

Employees receive options to buy stock at a later date but at a price fixed when they are hired. They may get additional options later as part of their compensation.

The options become valuable if the stock price is above the fixed price at the time the option is exercised. If the price drops far enough, they are worthless.

At Microsoft stock's recent price range, more than half of the outstanding options are worthless, though Ballmer contends that even those options have value and can be sold to speculative investors.

Meanwhile, the number of older, valuable options is diminishing because they have expiration dates. They must be exercised within seven to 10 years, so most may be used up within a few years.

The number of options exercised fell by half from fiscal 1999 to 2001, according to the company's most recent annual report.

Tracing the cash

The mechanics of options aside, it's difficult to pinpoint their effect on the economy through economist models. But there is plenty of anecdotal evidence of their presence, particularly on the Eastside, where it's still common to see Ferraris in the parking lot at the Redmond Target store, huge donations to school fund-raisers and elaborate mansions built along the shores of Lake Washington.

Boeing bonuses in the late 1980s often went toward RVs or a new pickup. But Microsoft employees may spend their windfall on a yacht in the Mediterranean.


"With a normal company like Boeing, you take the salaries and the jobs and a few things, and you know those are spent locally. But with the Microsoft stock options, they were so massive you don't know, and it's ridiculous to assume it was all spent locally," Pauer said.

One area that Microsoft-created wealth clearly affected is the residential real-estate market. Conway estimated Microsoft employees boosted the price of Seattle-area houses by 4 percent in the late 1990s, based in part on his estimate that the company created 10,000 millionaires.

"In other words, home prices would have been about 4 percent lower if it weren't for the high-priced homes Microsoft workers bought," he said.

Pauer said Seattle-area real-estate prices are still increasing 4 to 7 percent a year, "but they're reasonable gains, they're not double-digit gains, they're not 10, 12, 13 percent a year."

The wealth also spreads through philanthropy. Even with the stock price down, employees donated $15.4 million in cash to the company's most recent charitable campaign. The company matched the donations with $13.6 million, for a total of $29 million.

Hiring slows

Another way the state tracks Microsoft's economic effect is by monitoring how many people it hires.

As of Dec. 31, the company had 53,670 employees worldwide, including the 25,893 in the Seattle area. Though the pace of hiring has slowed of late, local employment has nearly doubled since 1998.

Most of the company's current job growth is happening elsewhere, as it expands its sales and service organization. Of the 5,000 new jobs budgeted for the fiscal year ending June 30, only 1,500 to 2,000 are expected to be local.

Microsoft's hiring has helped during the current downturn, but the numbers couldn't make up for the 40,000 Boeing jobs lost over the past four years.

"They were a help this time in terms of the employment growth. It would have been that much worse if they'd been laying off," said Bret Bertolin, senior economic forecaster with the state Office of the Forecast Council.

Within the technology industry, Microsoft's hiring is an exception. Its competitors have mostly cut jobs to shave costs. But Microsoft is not immune from the chill. As of Dec. 31, the company was falling behind in its hiring goals, a move that helped the company reach its quarterly earnings goals.

Boeing's in-state payroll could overtake Microsoft's if it ramps up significantly during the next upswing in the cyclical aerospace industry, Pauer said. Even so, the plane maker is no longer the biggest show in town.

"It used to be Boeing had no competition for ... greatest impact of a single company," she said. "It used to be Boeing, and then you had to go to the B-list. Microsoft and Boeing are now peers in their payroll impact, and that's quite amazing for a company that 20 years ago had just a few thousand (employees)."

Square-foot growth

Microsoft's relative optimism about job growth is telegraphed by its real-estate activities, including the development of a new Issaquah campus called Microsoft Highlands, targeted to accommodate up to 15,000 more employees.

Currently, most local employees work on two campuses in Redmond, with others scattered among offices in Bellevue, Issaquah and Seattle, near Pike Place Market.

At the start of the year, the company had 8.3 million square feet in 99 buildings or leased offices. That's more than the nearly 6 million square feet of office space in downtown Bellevue. (Microsoft had 101 more sites elsewhere in the country and 241 abroad.)

The company and subcontractors have an average of 450 employees a day to run the physical plant locally. Contractors building an office structure on the main Redmond campus employ an average of 148 workers a day, a figure that could rise to around 225 per day during the peak construction season this spring.

On average, the company adds 500,000 to 700,000 square feet of office space a year, the equivalent of four or five Costco stores.

Overall, Microsoft spent $436 million on new facilities and equipment in the second half of last year, compared with $322 million during the same period of 2001. As of Dec. 31, it had made commitments to spend $144 million more, according to filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission, but the filings did not specify when or where the $144 million would be spent.

All of this growth may help the economy, but it also creates friction in Microsoft's back yard. Growth spurred largely by the company has led to traffic congestion on State Highway 520 and in the Overlake neighborhood straddling Redmond and Bellevue. It also prompted the city of Redmond to block new commercial construction from 1997 to 1999 so road and housing construction and government services could catch up.

The moratorium prompted Microsoft to take an option on the Issaquah site, said José Oncina, Microsoft's director of real estate. The company's first choice, he said, is to continue expanding its main campus, but it needed assurances it would be able to.

"That's why we have Microsoft Highlands," he said. "We could not predict with certainty to grow here (Redmond) 12,000 to 15,000 people."

Even as the Issaquah plans proceed, however, Oncina is working to expand the 300-acre main campus. Over the past three years he has overseen construction of 2 million square feet of office space, including a new administrative center where Gates and Ballmer have their offices.

Now under construction is the largest campus building yet, and more growth could come west of Highway 520. Another option being studied is demolishing the eight original buildings on the campus and replacing them with taller structures with more efficient layouts, Oncina said.

At the Issaquah campus, on a hillside above an old gravel pit north of Interstate 90, Microsoft plans to build one building at a time as space is needed.

"If the head count keeps growing, we'll start construction next summer; if head count slows down, we'll hold off," Oncina said. "If head count is even greater than what we think, then we'll add additional buildings."

Oncina's planning focuses on the next five years, but he's also looking further ahead, past the 10 to 15 years it may take to complete the Issaquah campus.

"I don't think we're going to stop there," he said. "I have to think beyond that."

Brier Dudley: 206-515-5687 or bdudley@seattletimes.com

Copyright © 2003 The Seattle Times Company



To: Mannie who wrote (13246)2/26/2003 11:56:25 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Living to fight another way

By Greg Heberlein
King County Journal
kingcountyjournal.com
Posted 2/26/2003 10:01:07 AM

ISSAQUAH -- A decorated Vietnam veteran says war is injurious to one's health and ought not to be entered into short of enemies landing on one's shores.


John Seebeth, 55, speaks courtesy of a hole in his throat, a hole left by a Viet Cong bullet on Aug. 21, 1969. But it wasn't until years later that Seebeth's consciousness was raised and his anti-war beliefs emerged.

Seebeth will share his views Monday at 7 p.m. at Issaquah library's main branch, in a speech sponsored by the Eastside Suburban Peace Network.

In the 1980s, Seebeth became concerned about global warming.

He has devoted his life to environmental concerns and is an outspoken advocate for alternatives to gas-powered vehicles.

Dirty war

His war worries center on substances the United States began to introduce in the 1991 Gulf War.

One of his key concerns is depleted uranium.

The United States uses depleted uranium in bombs and artillery shells because it is heavier than other metals and more easily pierces armor.

Statistics show that even though only 148 died among the nearly 700,000 who fought, veterans have since reported problems related to exposure to depleted uranium.

The uranium loses half of its impact in 4.2 billion or 4.5 billion years, depending on the source.

To date, the government acknowledges 183,000, or about one in three veterans, have received disability status for one or more Gulf War-related conditions, a Veterans Administration official said.

``Now we're going over there with these same weapons,'' Seebeth said. ``I love my country. If we were attacked, I'd serve. But this is not an honorable fight.''

Seebeth sees his country exchanging blood for oil, oil needed for the U.S. fleet of autos and SUVs.

Such fossil fuel boosts the global-warming phenomenon, ultimately raising water temperatures, disturbing the climate and irrevocably altering sea-related habitats -- included human.

Ups and downs

Seebeth wears his emotions on his sleeve. Two subjects, kids and men he served with in Vietnam, can dampen an eye.

Born and raised in Philadelphia, Seebeth strived to escape a lower-middle-class environment by barely surviving high school and joining the Army.

His goal was to become a police officer.

In the Army, he became a medic.

``Now I was something,'' Seebeth said. ``We picked up the wounded out in the fields -- civilians, U.S. soldiers, Vietnamese soldiers.''

Among all airborne groups, medics suffered the worst casualties, a third injured or dead. Seebeth's helicopter, adorned with the red cross sign, carried no weapons. Sometimes, it was asked to land in heavy fire without escort.

That's what happened Aug. 21, 1969, 25 or so miles south of Seebeth's base at Danang.

``They had a casualty,'' Seebeth said. ``He was critical. If we didn't come in and get him, his chances of surviving were small. The captain asked us what we wanted to do. No one said anything.''

They went in. It was the Hiep Duc valley.

``My left knee was shaking uncontrollably,'' Seebeth said.

A bullet hit Seebeth's armored jacket, at the top, near the neck.

The bullet splintered, and a big chunk entered his neck. When he was flown out, medics had to bring him back to life.

Seebeth received the Purple Heart for that and he and his unit won the Distinguished Flying Cross for the three days of intense activity in Hiep Duc.

The aftermath

Seebeth was mute for 17 months. He was outfitted with a Montgomery T-tube, allowing him to speak by pressing through a hole in his throat. That's how he talks today.

Vietnam nearly ruined him. Racked by survivor's guilt, he wound up drinking a lot and getting into two auto accidents.

Finally, a doctor talked him into returning to school.

Seebeth eventually corralled a bachelor's degree in criminal justice from Indiana University and logged a year toward a master's in social work at Ohio State University.

More importantly, he came to grips with Vietnam, concluding that his earlier zest for the mission was misplaced. He reached that point in part by doing a lot of reading.

``I didn't read a book until my second year in college,'' Seebeth said. Now he reads everything he can find on war and armaments and chemical agents and the environment.

He and his wife, Linda, keep an active bookcase in their home near the Issaquah Highlands.

The past is always there

Seebeth's views remain affected by soldiers he saw die in Vietnam.

``I still carry them,'' Seebeth said of the images in his mind. ``This isn't a responsibility I carry lightly. I shared a very special moment, eye to eye. I carry that passion, lest they die in vain.

``The responsibility is just awesome.''

Pictures of dying Vietnamese children remain as vivid.

Seebeth can weave stories that make stomachs turn and hairs bristle.

Which may be why he also likes to point out that, of Iraq's 26 million people, half are children.

Greg Heberlein can be reached at greg.heberlein@kingcountyjournal.com or 425-453-4228.