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To: bramble88 who wrote (28580)2/24/2003 2:30:36 PM
From: Jorj X Mckie  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 57110
 
B,
Agree with all points. My three year old son can count to ten in spanish. I have full intention of him being bi-lingual if not tri-lingual when he is done with his education. He will also experience the world first hand, as I have done. In almost every country I have been in, I have run into people who believe that, since I live in Los Angeles, I must live a Baywatch style of life. I swear to god, one of the first questions that I was always asked was if I surf before I go to work. This was in France, in Malaysia, Germany, Hong Kong....the international community's ignorance about the U.S. was truly scary to me at times. Especially since it all seemed to be geared toward profiling me as an uptight, airheaded, power hungry, baby killing, surfer.

The fact is, I'm a skier



To: bramble88 who wrote (28580)2/24/2003 2:40:20 PM
From: Libbyt  Respond to of 57110
 
with foreigners who come here and seem to critisize the culture at every turn

IMO, not everyone who comes to the U.S. criticizes America. I would think from the number of people who want to come to America, that there must be something that draws them to our country. I agree with many points that this author makes, and especially this statement: "America is far from perfect, and there is lots of room for improvement. In spite of its flaws, however, the American life as it is lived today is the best life that our world has to offer."

10 Great Things About America

Dinesh D'Souza
July 4, 2002

In the aftermath of last September's terrorist attack, we've heard a
great deal about "why they hate us" and about why America is so bad.
We’ve endured lengthy lectures about America’s history of slavery, about
the defects of American foreign policy, about the materialism of American
life, and about the excesses of American culture. In the view of many
critics at home and abroad, America can do no right.
This indictment, which undermines the patriotism of Americans, is based
on a narrow and distorted understanding of America. It exaggerates
America’s faults and ignores what is good and even great about America.

As an immigrant who has chosen to become a U.S. citizen, I feel
especially qualified to say what is special about this country. Having
grown up in a different society ­ in my case, Mumbai, India ­ I am not
only able to identify aspects of America that are invisible to people who
have always lived here, but also acutely conscious of the daily blessings
that I enjoy in America.

1. America provides an amazingly good life for the ordinary guy.

Rich people live well everywhere. But what distinguishes America is that
it provides an incomparably high standard of living for the "common man.”
We now live in a country where construction workers regularly pay $4 for
a nonfat latte, where maids drive nice cars, and where plumbers take
their families on vacation to Europe.

Indeed, newcomers to the United States are struck by the amenities
enjoyed by "poor" people in the United States. This fact was dramatized
in the 1980s when CBS television broadcast the documentary "People Like
Us," which was intended to show the miseries of the poor during an
ongoing recession. The Soviet Union also broadcast the documentary, with
a view to embarrassing the Reagan administration.

But by the testimony of former Soviet leaders, it had the opposite
effect. Ordinary people across the Soviet Union saw that the poorest
Americans have TV sets, microwave ovens and cars. They arrived at the
same perception that I witnessed in an acquaintance of mine from Bombay
who has been unsuccessfully trying to move to the United States.

I asked him, "Why are you so eager to come to America?" He replied, "I
really want to live in a country where the poor people are fat."

2. America offers more opportunity and social mobility than any other
country, including the countries of Europe.


America is the only country that has created a population of "self-made
tycoons." Only in America could Pierre Omidyar, whose parents are Iranian
and who grew up in Paris, have started a company like eBay. Only in
America could Vinod Khosla, the son of an Indian army officer, become a
leading venture capitalist, the shaper of the technology industry, and a
billionaire to boot.

Admittedly, tycoons are not typical, but no country has created a better
ladder than America for people to ascend from modest circumstances to
success.

3. Work and trade are respectable in America, which is not true
elsewhere.


Historically, most cultures have despised the merchant and the laborer,
regarding the former as vile and corrupt and the latter as degraded and
vulgar. Some cultures, such as that of ancient Greece and medieval Islam,
even held that it is better to acquire things through plunder than
through trade or contract labor.

But the American founders altered this moral hierarchy. They established
a society in which the life of the businessman, and of the people who
work for him, would be a noble calling. In the American view, there is
nothing vile or degraded about serving your customers either as a CEO or
as a waiter.

The ordinary life of production and supporting a family is more highly
valued in the United States than in any other country. Indeed, America is
the only country in the world where we call the waiter "sir," as if he
were a knight.

4. America has achieved greater social equality than any other society.

True, there are large inequalities of income and wealth in America. In
purely economic terms, Europe is more egalitarian. But Americans are
socially more equal than any other people, and this is unaffected by
economic disparities. Alexis De Tocqueville noticed this egalitarianism a
century and a half ago, but it is if anything more prevalent today.

For all his riches, Bill Gates could not approach the typical American
and say, "Here’s a $100 bill. I'll give it to you if you kiss my feet."
Most likely the person would tell Gates to go to hell! The American view
is that the rich guy may have more money, but he isn’t in any fundamental
sense better than anyone else.

5. People live longer, fuller lives in America.

Although protesters rail against the American version of technological
capitalism at trade meetings around the world, in reality the American
system has given citizens many more years of life, and the means to live
more intensely and actively.

In 1900, the life expectancy in America was around 50 years; today, it is
more than 75 years. Advances in medicine and agriculture are mainly
responsible for the change. This extension of the lifespan means more
years to enjoy life, more free time to devote to a good cause, and more
occasions to do things with the grandchildren.

In many countries, people who are old seem to have nothing to do; they
just wait to die. In America, the old are incredibly vigorous, and people
in their 70s pursue the pleasures of life, including remarriage and
sexual gratification, with a zeal that I find unnerving.

6. In America, the destiny of the young is not given to them but is
created by them.


Not long ago, I asked myself, "What would my life have been like if I had
never come to the United States?"

If I had remained in India, I would probably have lived my whole life
within a five-mile radius of where I was born. I would undoubtedly have
married a woman of my identical religious and socioeconomic background. I
would almost certainly have become a medical doctor, or an engineer, or a
computer programmer. I would have socialized entirely within my ethnic
community.

I would have a whole set of opinions that could be predicted in advance;
indeed, they would not be very different from what my father believed, or
his father before him. In sum, my destiny would, to a large degree, have
been given to me.

In America, I have seen my life take a radically different course. In
college I became interested in literature and politics, and I resolved to
make a career as a writer. I married a woman whose ancestry is English,
French, Scotch-Irish, German and American Indian.

In my 20s I found myself working as a policy analyst in the White House,
even though I was not an American citizen. No other country, I am sure,
would have permitted a foreigner to work in its inner citadel of
government.

In most countries in the world, your fate and your identity are handed to
you; in America, you determine them for yourself. America is a country
where you get to write the script of your own life. Your life is like a
blank sheet of paper, and you are the artist.

This notion of being the architect of your own destiny is the incredibly
powerful idea that is behind the worldwide appeal of America. Young
people especially find irresistible the prospect of authoring the
narrative of their own lives.

7. America has gone further than any other society in establishing
equality of rights.


There is nothing distinctively American about slavery or bigotry. Slavery
has existed in virtually every culture, and xenophobia, prejudice and
discrimination are worldwide phenomena. Western civilization is the only
civilization to mount a principled campaign against slavery; no country
expended more treasure and blood to get rid of slavery than the United
States.

While racism remains a problem in America, this country has made
strenuous efforts to eradicate discrimination, even to the extent of
enacting policies that give legal preference in university admissions,
jobs and government contracts to members of minority groups. Such
policies remain controversial, but the point is that it is extremely
unlikely that a racist society would have permitted such policies in the
first place.

And surely African Americans like Jesse Jackson are vastly better off
living in America than they would be if they were to live in, say,
Ethiopia or Somalia.

8. America has found a solution to the problem of religious and ethnic
conflict that continues to divide and terrorize much of the world.


Visitors to places like New York are amazed to see the way in which Serbs
and Croatians, Sikhs and Hindus, Irish Catholics and Irish Protestants,
Jews and Palestinians all seem to work and live together in harmony. How
is this possible when these same groups are spearing each other and
burning each other’s homes in so many places in the world?

The American answer is twofold. First, separate the spheres of religion
and government so that no religion is given official preference but all
are free to practice their faith as they wish. Second, do not extend
rights to racial or ethnic groups but only to individuals; in this way,
all are equal in the eyes of the law, opportunity is open to anyone who
can take advantage of it, and everybody who embraces the American way of
life can "become American."

Of course there are exceptions to these core principles, even in America.
Racial preferences are one such exception, which explains why they are
controversial. But in general, America is the only country in the world
that extends full membership to outsiders.

The typical American could come to India, live for 40 years and take
Indian citizenship. But he could not "become Indian." He wouldn’t see
himself that way, nor would most Indians see him that way. In America, by
contrast, hundreds of millions have come from far-flung shores and over
time they, or at least their children, have in a profound and full sense
"become American."

9. America has the kindest, gentlest foreign policy of any great power in
world history.


Critics of the U.S. are likely to react to this truth with sputtering
outrage. They will point to longstanding American support for a Latin or
Middle Eastern despot, or the unjust internment of the Japanese during
World War II, or America's reluctance to impose sanctions on South
Africa’s apartheid regime. However one feels about these particular
cases, let us concede to the critics the point that America is not always
in the right.

What the critics leave out is the other side of the ledger. Twice in the
20th century, the United States saved the world: first from the Nazi
threat, then from Soviet totalitarianism. What would have been the
world's fate if America had not existed? After destroying Germany and
Japan in World War II, the U.S. proceeded to rebuild both countries, and
today they are American allies. Now we are doing the same thing with
Afghanistan.

Consider, too, how magnanimous the U.S. has been to the former Soviet
Union after the U.S. victory in the Cold War. For the most part, America
is an abstaining superpower: It shows no real interest in conquering and
subjugating the rest of the world. (Imagine how the Soviets would have
acted if they had won the Cold War.)

On occasion, America intervenes to overthrow a tyrannical regime or to
halt massive human rights abuses in another country, but it never stays
to rule that country. In Grenada, Haiti and Bosnia, the U.S. got in and
then got out.

Moreover, when America does get into a war, it is supremely careful to
avoid targeting civilians and to minimize collateral damage. Even as
America bombed the Taliban infrastructure and hideouts, its planes
dropped rations of food to avert hardship and starvation of Afghan
civilians. What other country does these things?

10. America, the freest nation on earth, is also the most virtuous nation
on earth.


This point seems counterintuitive, given the amount of conspicuous
vulgarity, vice and immorality in America. Indeed, some Islamic
fundamentalists argue that their regimes are morally superior to the
United States because they seek to foster virtue among the citizens.
Virtue, these fundamentalists argue, is a higher principle than liberty.

Indeed it is. And let us admit that in a free society, freedom will
frequently be used badly. Freedom, by definition, includes the freedom to
do good or evil, to act nobly or basely.

But if freedom brings out the worst in people, it also brings out the
best. The millions of Americans who live decent, praiseworthy lives
desire our highest admiration because they have opted for the good when
the good is not the only available option. Even amidst the temptations of
a rich and free society, they have remained on the straight path. Their
virtue has special luster because it is freely chosen.

By contrast, the societies that many Islamic fundamentalists seek would
eliminate the possibility of virtue. If the supply of virtue is
insufficient in a free society like America, it is almost non-existent in
an unfree society like Iran.

The reason is that coerced virtues are not virtues at all. Consider the
woman who is required to wear a veil. There is no modesty in this,
because she is being compelled Compulsion cannot produce virtue, it can
only produce the outward semblance of virtue.

Thus, a free society like America is not merely more prosperous, more
varied, more peaceful and more tolerant ­ it is also morally superior to
the theocratic and authoritarian regimes that America’s enemies advocate.

"To make us love our country," Edmund Burke once said, "our country ought
to be lovely." Burke’s point is that we should love our country not just
because it is ours, but also because it is good.

America is far from perfect, and there is lots of room for improvement.
In spite of its flaws, however, the American life as it is lived today is
the best life that our world has to offer. Ultimately, America is worthy
of our love and sacrifice because, more than any other society, it makes
possible the good life, and the life that is good.

Dinesh D'Souza's latest book, "What's So Great About America," just hit
the New York Times best seller list. He is the Rishwain Fellow at the
Hoover Institution at Stanford University.

phillytalkradioonline.com



To: bramble88 who wrote (28580)2/24/2003 2:45:38 PM
From: MulhollandDrive  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 57110
 
B..

i frankly do not understand why we should be interested in the "specific criticisms" of europeans any more than they should listen to ours of them.

imo, it's getting quite tiresome having to listen to one culture make criticisms of the other.

they (europe) have more than enough of their own problems to contend with (as do we)

scotlandonsunday.com

..

Japanese disease may be catching

Bill Jamieson

NEXT month, EU heads of government will meet in Brussels. On a crowded agenda is a review of progress towards the goal of full employment. It was less than three years ago that a similar meeting held in Lisbon set the EU "a new strategic goal for the next decade - to become the most competitive, dynamic, knowledge-based economy in the world, capable of sustaining economic growth with more and better jobs and greater social cohesion."

Even at the time this pledge was made, the reaction was one of scepticism and incredulity. Even assuming economic transformations could be conjured up out of meetings of politicians issuing proclamations - and no fewer than 17 different targets and objectives - how could such a goal be attained without a transformation in European economic policy?

In particular, how could any reform be undertaken of the continent’s highly regulated and rule-driven labour markets by leaders who owed their offices, in large part, through pledges to trade unions and vested interests to keep things exactly as they were and to resist reform à la Anglo-Saxon?

Three years on and Europe has come to experience a spectacular reversal of fortune in the economic realm. Through a combination of global trade slowdown and the persistence of structural barriers to job mobility and creation, the continental economies have suffered a dramatic slowdown, a budgetary deterioration and now sharply rising unemployment.

Across the EU 15, unemployment now stands at 7.7% on the OECD standardised measure, compared with 6% in the US and 5.2% in the UK. For the economies of the Euro-zone, unemployment is now at 8.5%. Of particular concern has been the rise in unemployment in Germany. Here it presently stands at 8.4%, against 7.7% in 2000.

Nor is there any sign of early improvement. Indeed, Die Welt reported on Friday that it had obtained a copy of the latest unemployment figures not due for official release until this week. This shows that 4.66 million are now unemployed in Germany - a rise of 40,000 on the month and a figure 370,000 higher than a year ago. This is the highest level of unemployment since chancellor Gerhard Schröder came to power in 1998.

This came hard on the heels of a report from the Ifo Institute, Germany’s respected independent forecaster, predicting that the economy will grow by just 0.9% this year - below the level that would allow government borrowing to meet Eurozone rules. This is by no means the lowest forecast. Royal Bank of Scotland economists have slashed their growth forecast for Germany this year to only 0.5%. Rising oil prices and monetary tightening implicit in the rise of the euro in recent months are compounding this slowdown.

Whatever the causes - and there has to be a searching examination of why it has been markedly worse in Germany than in most other G7 economies - this is a reversal of fortune now ominously reminiscent of that which has gripped Japan for a decade. It is not just that there will be no progress on reform on which to report next month; it is that the euro zone and its largest economy have gone backwards.

The blunt truth is that this summit is taking place against the biggest economic policy crisis for a generation. And the spectre that haunts Europe is not just one of an uncomfortable, cyclical slowdown. It is the spectre of Japan and of a policy gridlock that will condemn the continent to severe and prolonged stagnation.

Last week’s Treasury review of progress towards economic reform in Europe set out in the most factual and detailed terms why the question of UK membership of the euro is failing at least one of Gordon Brown’s famous ‘five tests’. And it is this document that, more than anything, makes the case against Britain joining the euro.

But on wider considerations, that is the least of it. Continental Europe is facing a policy crisis on three levels: a collapse of growth with rising unemployment; a serious breach of the Maastricht Treaty rules on government deficits; and a crisis of confidence in some of its leading financial institutions as stock market values have slumped.

Little wonder, on this perspective, that France and Germany have strutted across the world stage with their divisive approach to Iraq’s non-compliance with Resolution 1441. This has acted as a most effective diversionary tactic to draw attention away from a collective failure on the economic front. For the record, unemployment in France is now 8.8% and growth has slowed to just 0.2% in the fourth quarter.

Could Europe now be facing the fate of Japan - a lost decade? Lehman Brothers economist Russel Jones concludes probably not - asset price dynamics have been of a different and less damaging complexion, and macro economic policymakers "should have learnt from their Japanese counterparts’ mistakes". We live in hope.

But his assessment draws some uncomfortable parallels. Longer-term economic performance can be viewed as a function of two underlying features: productivity performance and demographics. The Treasury assessment of EU economic reform highlights poor productivity performance. It cites Eurostat estimates showing US GDP per worker running some 17% higher than in the EU 15.

Just as serious are the demographic comparisons - in particular the growth of those aged 65 and over. These show Japan to have an acute bulge of retirees over the next 15 years. But Germany also has a worrying profile relative to the US and the UK. As Jones points out, the importance of demographic trends goes beyond the physical number of active members of the population. Demographics are also instrumental in determining the broad nature of future pension and taxation liabilities. These, in turn, feed back into savings, taxation, investment and growth.

More immediately, there is a pressing case for further cuts in interest rates and in Eurozone rates in particular. The European Central Bank has been reluctant to act because of concern over the credibility of the currency and the need to establish a firm track record on inflation.

A related factor has been the breach of the Stability and Growth Pact requirement that member countries’ budget deficits should not exceed 3% of GDP. Some see in the bank’s slowness of response on interest rates as an attempt to pressurise member countries into structural economic reform of the type loudly hailed at Lisbon - but on which all too little action has been taken.

Next month’s Brussels summit is highly unlikely to have any more effect on the pace and scale of economic reform in Europe than the many that have preceded it. The best that may realistically be hoped for is a greater public awareness, once the Iraq issue has been resolved, of the depth and extent of Europe’s policy crisis. One can see why EU leaders want to bury the reality in more high-minded declarations. But complacent talk of ‘progress’ when the reverse is true cannot long delay the moment of truth.