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To: Carolyn who wrote (19363)2/25/2003 8:00:00 PM
From: lorne  Respond to of 23908
 
14 years of torture and humiliation in Saddam's jail
February 25, 2003
By Anthony Loyd
Our correspondent meets a Baghdad camera shop owner who sold a roll of film to a British journalist and paid for it with his freedom

RAFAT Abdulmajeed Muhammad is a slightly built man of 45 with a distant stare and a scarred body. He lives alone in Sulaimaniyah, northern Iraq, and owns nothing but the clothes he stands in. He spends his days trying to forget the past 14 years, which he spent in the darkness of Saddam Hussein’s most infamous political prison.
Mr Muhammad’s only crime was to sell a British journalist a roll of film, but his treatment bears ample testimony to the nature of Saddam’s regime.

Mr Muhammad was an Egyptian photography graduate who moved to Iraq in 1985 and opened a small photographic shop, Rafat’s Photography, in Baghdad. In August 1989 a foreigner visited his shop and bought a roll of film. Mr Muhammad gave him his business card and forgot about him.

The next month he encountered the man again, this time in very different circumstances. Mr Muhammad, who had been arrested the previous day and charged with espionage, was sitting blindfolded in a chair in Room 18 of the headquarters of the Iraqi secret police, the Mukhabarat.

“They pulled the blindfold up so that I could see the spy I was accused of aiding,” he said. “There, standing in silence, was the man to whom I had sold a roll of film. His name was Farzad Bazoft. The Mukhabarat had found my business card in his belongings.”

Mr Muhammad never saw Mr Bazoft again. The Iranian-born journalist, who was working for The Observer, was executed for spying the following March.

The Mukhabarat never extracted a verbal confession from Mr Muhammad during the four months he was held in a tiny cell in the headquarters. He said that he was interrogated by a Mukhabarat officer named Basim twice a day, each time being whipped with cables while suspended from the ceiling, his hands tied behind his back. He had his jaw, ribs and hands broken. Sometimes he was taken to the basement, strapped into an electric chair and given shock treatment.

“I had nothing to confess to,” he said. “They said I worked for Mossad (the Israeli intelligence agency) but my only mistake was that I sold Bazoft a roll of film.”

In January 1990, days before Mr Muhammad’s trial, the Mukhabarat inked his thumb and pressed it against a statement in lieu of a signature. He was charged under article 158 of Iraqi law and sentenced by a military court to life imprisonment. He was transferred to the notorious Abu Greeb penitentiary, west of Baghdad, where 7,000 political prisoners lived in constant fear of torture and execution.

He spent the next three years in solitary confinement. He was taken out of his cell twice a week for beatings. He said that in the prison basement were deep pits, each a metre wide. Up to ten prisoners deemed guilty of disciplinary offences would be dropped into these pits and kept there for a week at a time. “Many died in those pits,” he said.

Last summer Mr Muhammad had the top joint of the second finger of his left hand smashed off with an iron bar for insulting Saddam, an offence for which five years were added to his sentence.

Large-scale executions were a regular occurrence. The first that Mr Muhammad remembered was on March 27, 1991, during the uprisings in Iraq that followed the coalition victory in Kuwait.

“There was no rioting in the prison, just a feeling of unease,” he said. “Then that day hundreds of men from a special unit arrived. They took all the prisoners from their cells and made them parade in the yard facing the walls. It was the first time I had been in daylight since my imprisonment.When we all had our backs to them, standing in the sun, they opened fire on us. Over a hundred men lay dead and dying. The rest of us were made to stand up again and they kept us paraded there until 8pm, when we were returned to our cells.”

Mr Muhammad had some notable companions in Abu Greeb, and their identity sheds light on the broad interpretation of “political prisoner” in Iraq. In a neighbouring cell during his first year of solitary confinement was Hussain al-Shahristani, an internationally renowned Iraqi expert on neutron activity. He had been imprisoned for refusing to co-operate on Saddam’s nuclear programme.

“We used to whisper to each other through the doors of our cells when the guards were eating their supper,” Mr Muhammad said. “We even made a plan, through one of the men who gave us meals, to bribe the Mukhabarat and escape.”

He later found himself rubbing shoulders with seven Iraqi al- Qaeda inmates. “Their chief was Dr Mohammad,” he said. “He was an Iraqi from Mosul who had fought in Afghanistan and was a personal friend of Osama bin Laden. We became very close. I remember him praying specially for Osama when the Americans began to attack Afghanistan.” The seven al-Qaeda prisoners received special privileges. Dr Mohammad was allowed a bed and a private room in which to meet his wife and “special visitors”.

On October 20 last year, 400 prisoners were taken out before dawn and marched to a field inside the Abu Greeb complex, where they were shot.

“In a way it was good news for us,” Mr Muhammad said. “Though executions happened the whole time, usually mass killings preceeded an amnesty. It was a way the authorities had of culling the prison population. So that morning, after the shooting, we hoped some of us may be freed.”

An immediate amnesty announcement did indeed follow. Along with 2,000 other prisoners from Abu Greeb, many of them Kurds, Mr Muhammad was simply ejected from the gates that afternoon.

He had no money and no documentation. He had no idea where to go. He had no idea of the fate, or whereabouts, of his two brothers and two sisters in Egypt. In the end, some Kurds took him northwards and he crossed into Kurdish- controlled northern Iraq two days later. There local people put him up in a small, spartan hotel in the centre of Sulaimaniyah.

The local branch of the UN and the Red Cross appeared unwilling or unable to help him. “They were polite but firm,” he said. “They told me I was a released prisoner so was out of their jurisdiction.”

He sits alone in his bare room, waiting, and hoping that something will happen to change things.

“I am surprised to hear of all the anti-war demonstrations in the West,” he said. “I wish that the demonstrators could spend just 24 hours in the place I have come from and see the reality of Iraq.

“Fourteen lost years of my life. Nothing but bread for food — darkness, filth, beatings, torture, killings, bitterness and humiliation. I wish they could experience it for just 24 hours.”

Killed for 'spying'

In 1989 Farzad Bazoft, an Iranian-born freelance journalist, was working for The Observer. Having established close links with the Iraqi Embassy in London, Mr Bazoft was invited to cover a showpiece election in Kurdistan.

While he was in Iraq, news broke of an explosion at a secret missile plant to the south of Baghdad. Defying an official ban, Mr Bazoft went to the site disguised as a doctor. He was driven by his friend Daphne Parish, a British nurse. While there, he took photos and two soil samples, which he believed would show that the site was contaminated. When Mr Bazoft attempted to leave Iraq he was arrested by the secret police and put into solitary confinement for six weeks. When he emerged he was shown in a televised interview confessing to being an Israeli spy.

On March 10, 1990, Mr Bazoft was convicted of spying and sentenced to death. Ms Parish was jailed for 15 years but released after ten months. Despite appeals from Margaret Thatcher, the British Prime Minister, Mr Bazoft was hanged on March 15 on the orders of Saddam Hussein.

timesonline.co.uk



To: Carolyn who wrote (19363)2/26/2003 10:09:37 AM
From: lorne  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 23908
 
On one Danish island, no pizza if you're German or French
JAN M. OLSEN
Canadian Press
Monday, February 24, 2003

COPENHAGEN, Denmark (AP) - Aage Bjerre has three rules for dining at his pizzeria on the Danish island of Fanoe: No dogs. No Germans. No French.

The owner of Aage's Pizza said Monday that he's tired of French and German attitudes toward the United States, calling them "disloyal" and "anti-American" in their bid to thwart a possible U.S.-led attack against Iraq.

Since hearing news of France and Germany's opposition, which has led to a rift in U.S. relations with Europe, a split in NATO and a feeling of malaise between old friends and stalwart allies, he's made it rule No. 1 to bar service to any French or German tourists in Nordby, the North Sea island's largest town.

"Hadn't the United States helped Europe in defeating Germany, there would have been photos of Adolf Hitler hanging on the walls around here," he said, referring to Nazi Germany's occupation of Europe in World War II.

The island, 320 kilometers (200 miles) southwest of the capital, Copenhagen, is a popular spot for visitors from neighboring Germany. Of the approximately 100,000 tourists who come, some 60 per cent are German, said Birthe Elstroem, head of the island's tourism office. The others are mostly Scandinavians and Dutch.

There are few French visitors to the island, which has a year-round population of 3,300.

The idea of losing euros from German and French tourists hasn't curbed Bjerre's zeal.

On Friday, he put two homemade pictograms on the shop door, much like the ones that show the outline of a dog with a bar across it.

One featured the silhouette of a man colored red, yellow and black - the colors of the German flag. The second was painted blue, white and red - the French Tricolor colors. Both silhouettes had a bar across each man.

The ban has yet to effect his business because tourist season typically starts after Easter and peaks during the summer. "I do what my conscience tells me to do," he said.

Should Germany decide to participate in U.S.-led military action against Iraq, Bjerre, 44, said he would lift his ban.

But the few French tourists who do visit the island will need to fill their bellies elsewhere.

Frenchmen have "a lifetime ban here," Bjerre told The Associated Press. "Their attitude toward the United States will never change."
canada.com



To: Carolyn who wrote (19363)2/26/2003 7:04:06 PM
From: DeplorableIrredeemableRedneck  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 23908
 
Now replace that infamous face with bin Laden...



To: Carolyn who wrote (19363)2/27/2003 10:50:44 AM
From: lorne  Respond to of 23908
 
Is al-Arian linked
to N.C. Qaida cell?
Brother-in-law went to college
with brains behind 9-11 plot
February 27, 2003
By Paul Sperry

WASHINGTON – The brother-in-law of alleged terrorist co-conspirator Sami al-Arian attended engineering classes at the same college and time as the suspected mastermind behind the Sept. 11 terror plot, records at the North Carolina college show.

The overlap raises questions about the extent of al-Arian's ties to terrorist groups. He and his brother-in-law, Mazen al-Najjar, have been accused by federal authorities of supporting Hamas, a Palestinian militia responsible for anti-Israeli suicide bombings, through an elaborate network of terrorist front groups and fund-raising arms.

Al-Najjar, a Palestinian refugee, was arrested in 1997 and deported last year. Al-Arian, who also attended college in North Carolina, awaits trial on federal conspiracy charges related to Mideast terrorist activities. He was arrested last week.

The confluence of Islamic radicals – known then as "the mullahs" – on the North Carolina Agricultural & Technical State University (N.C. A&T) campus in Greensboro also suggests the Sept. 11 conspiracy traces its roots to North Carolina, not Florida, and goes all the way back to the 1980s.

Al-Najjar, al-Arian's childhood friend, graduated in December 1984 with a master's degree in engineering from N.C. A&T, says the college's registrar Doris Hunter. He apparently stayed in Greensboro until June 1986, when he moved to Tampa to earn a doctorate in engineering at the University of South Florida, where al-Arian taught computer engineering (before being fired Wednesday).

Hunter says Khalid A. Mohammed enrolled at N.C. A&T in the summer of 1984, after transferring from Chowan College in Murfreesboro, N.C. He graduated with an engineering degree on Dec. 18, 1986, she told WorldNetDaily.

Erik Blowers, counsel for the FBI's North Carolina field office in Charlotte, confirmed that Mohammed is the same Khalid "Shaikh" Mohammed suspected of planning and organizing the Sept. 11 attacks, as one of al-Qaida leader Osama bin Laden's top lieutenants. Considered "armed and dangerous," he has a $25 million bounty on his head.

"That guy is the one who's on the FBI's 22 most-wanted terrorists list," he said in a WorldNetDaily interview. "And he did go to college here in North Carolina."

Blowers, however, was mum about any ties between Mohammed and al-Arian or his brother-in-law.

"Certainly we've looked at every aspect of this gentleman's stay here in the country," Blowers said. "But specifically what we've found or what we're doing with that information I wouldn't be able to comment on."

A spokeswoman at the Tampa FBI office, which is leading the al-Arian investigation, demurred when asked if investigators there are looking at a connection to N.C. A&T and Mohammed.

"I'm not going to confirm or deny that," said FBI spokeswoman Sara Oates.

Blowers says he cannot comment on whether or not his office has been working with the Tampa office on the al-Arian case.

"But I can tell you they know we have some history with that gentleman (Mohammed) here," he said.

Al-Arian, born in Kuwait to Palestinian parents, received both a master's degree and a doctorate in computer engineering from North Carolina State University in 1980 and 1985, records show, before joining al-Najjar at Tampa's USF. N.C. State is in Raleigh, N.C., but is affiliated with the Greensboro campus.

Mohammed, also born in Kuwait, lived in an apartment close to the Greensboro campus, authorities say. He was extremely religious, using his apartment as a place of prayer for himself and other campus Muslims.

The close-knit group of Arabs, mainly from Kuwait, who shared a common hatred of Israel (and the U.S. for supporting it), were known on campus as "the mullahs" for their strict Muslim fundamentalist beliefs and ascetic lifestyles.

Called "Khalid Shaikh" back then, Mohammed took thermodynamics classes as part of his engineering studies, which may have helped him plan the toppling of the World Trade Center. Bin Laden also has an engineering background.

Years later Mohammed headed to Manila where he teamed up with his nephew, Kuwaiti-born Ramzi Yousef, the mastermind behind 1993's World Trade Center bombing. In 1995, the two hatched a scheme to blow up a dozen U.S. jetliners and smash a hijacked jet into the CIA headquarters here. Filipino police turned over evidence of the foiled plot, code-named "Bojinka" (Serbo-Croatian for "explosion"), to U.S. authorities, who indicted Mohammed in 1996. He of course remains at large.

Meanwhile, back in Florida, federal authorities began investigating al-Arian and Al-Najjar, who entered the U.S. from Gaza on a student visa in December 1981. In 1995, FBI agents raided the World and Islamic Studies Enterprise, or WISE, co-founded by al-Arian. Al-Najjar also worked there. (Al-Arian in speeches in the late '80s and early '90s declared, "Death to Israel," as well as to America. He had also been asked about his ties to Tarik Hamdi, a former manager of the Tampa-based Islamic Committee for Palestine who was linked to al-Qaida during the trial of four men convicted in the bombings of the U.S. embassies in East Africa. Al-Arian was ICP's president.)

Then in 1997, the INS arrested al-Najjar on visa violations. And an immigration judge denied him bail based on undisclosed government evidence tying him to Mideast terrorists.

It's not immediately clear what al-Najjar was doing in Greensboro from 1984 to 1986. Maurice Warren, an N.C. A&T human resources administrator, said faculty records for that period may have been "purged," and that he could not say for certain whether al-Najjar had remained on campus to teach engineering.

N.C. A&T, a historically black college which counts Jesse Jackson among its alumni, continues to be a magnet for Islamic terrorist suspects who enroll on student visas.

Last year, a Sudanese man enrolled there was arrested, detained and later deported after pleading guilty to immigration-fraud charges. Federal authorities had linked the man, named Mekki Hamed Mekki, to al-Qaida. Trained as a commercial pilot in Sudan, he was suspected of planning to slam an aircraft into a U.S. target in a reprise of Sept. 11. Bin Laden was based in Sudan before he moved operations to Afghanistan.

Greensboro has a relatively large Sudanese population, most of whom worship at local mosques. The area has about 10,000 Muslims.
worldnetdaily.com