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Politics : War -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: John Carragher who wrote (19383)2/28/2003 9:03:08 AM
From: DeplorableIrredeemableRedneck  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 23908
 
Iraq's poisoned babies have made me a hawk

Julius Strauss
The Daily Telegraph

Friday, February 28, 2003
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SULAIMANIA, Iraq - There's something singular about a man who has been severely tortured. Maybe it's the way he struggles against failing eyesight caused by repeated blows to the kidneys. Or his lop-sided posture, the result of multiple broken bones that have failed to mend properly. Sometimes there is a tremor in the hands or a twitch, a minuscule outer sign of the torment within.

The man who sat opposite me in a small, bare room at the Kurdish border post this week had all the symptoms of a man who had been systematically broken. Slowly, sometimes reluctantly, he relived for me the terror of the 21 months he spent in Saddam Hussein's torture chambers.

"They put me in a cell at the secret police headquarters, tied my hands together with wire and then suspended me from the ceiling," he said quietly. "Then they beat me with batons and cables and ran electric shocks through my fingers and genitals. It went on for months. They never told me what my crime was."

I had seen such men before. When Serb forces unleashed a wave of expulsions, beatings and killings on the ethnic Albanians in 1999, I met a teacher in a refugee camp on the Macedonian border I had known before the war. He was quiet and modest and had counselled moderation to the hotter heads in his village. When the war began, the Serbs had arrested him and beaten him within an inch of his life. So great were the physical changes they wrought on him that it was several minutes before I made the leap of recognition.

When I came to autonomous northern Iraq -- which since 1991 has been protected from Saddam's reach by British and U.S. warplanes -- I was intensely skeptical of the wisdom of Washington's insistence on deposing Saddam. Its claims of links between al-Qaeda and Baghdad seemed tenuous. As for the assertion that Saddam will soon have the bomb, well, the evidence was pretty flimsy.

Indeed, I could have reeled off a host of counter-arguments. At a time when the Western world is entering a long, drawn-out struggle against Islamist terrorism, it made little sense to fritter away resources to oust a man whose regime was weaker than ever. A war also risked alienating hundreds of millions of moderate Muslims whose support would be essential if the threat of Islamist extremism was to be neutered.

I agreed with the quiet-spoken Muslim men I met in Pakistan, Afghanistan and central Asia who said a Middle East peace deal was a greater priority than ousting Saddam. As long as Palestinians continued to die in the streets, they said, the fires of Islamist extremism would keep burning.

I have not renounced these arguments entirely. But after little more than a week in northern Iraq, my eyes have been opened to the sheer scale of savagery that Saddam has unleashed on his people.

I have visited villages, refugee camps, tea houses and bazaars. Over tiny cups of strong, sweet tea I have listened to the stories of the many people who live in this mountainous refuge. Some are Kurds who have flourished under 12 years of self-rule, others recent arrivals who were expelled or fled Saddam's territories to the south. In Sulaimania, where I am based, Arabs, Turkomans and Assyrians now co-exist peacefully with the Kurdish majority, but they all have terrible tales to tell: It is as if the entire land and all its inhabitants have been visited by a calamity of biblical proportions.

As a journalist, I have seen the ethnic cleansing of Bosnia and the burning villages of Kosovo. I watched as Milosevic's stormtroopers, their minds addled by paranoia and hatred, levelled entire villages with little more than a cigarette lighter and a few cans of gasoline. In Sierra Leone, I saw children -- arms or legs hacked off by drugged-up thugs -- struggle to haul themselves into broken wheelchairs. I even interviewed the thugs that maimed them, 15- and 16-year-olds with glazed eyes and heads full of demons. In Afghanistan and Chechnya, the misery and suffering wrought often beggared description.

But nothing could have prepared me for the odious evil of Saddam Hussein's rule.

In the 1980s, while the West railed against Nicolae Ceausescu's plan to destroy 3,000 villages, Saddam Hussein actually did it. Then he murdered 180,000 Kurdish men above the age of 15 simply because he thought they might one day turn against him.

Backed by Western governments who feared the spread of the Ayatollah's Islamist revolution, he launched a speculative war against Iran that left the better part of a million men dead.

Nor has the killing stopped since. Thousands of Iraqis are still being executed without trial, and tens of thousands routinely tortured. Millions live in a state of numb fear.

As I stood this week watching the dispossessed coming across the border into Kurdistan, I spoke to Kak Adil, the officer in charge of the Kurdish mail. "They all have stories of beatings and brutal killings at the hands of Saddam," he said. "Only his servants live without fear." I have met grown men who say they pray every day for the dictator's death.

The evil is there for all to see in Halabja, a small town the Iraqis gassed in 1988. It is in the wheezing chests of women seeing out the remainder of their miserable lives and the red eyes of men who cannot forget the sight of blood dribbling from the mouths of dying children. Halabja has rates of leukemia, cancer and congenital conditions many times the Iraqi norm.

One doctor who works in the town told me: "A woman came to see me two months ago. She had given birth to a little girl who had no feet." Who could argue with taking action against the regime responsible for such outrages?

Assos Hardi, the editor of the liberal newspaper Hawalati in Sulaimania, was more mathematical in his appraisal. He said: "How many people do you think will die if America attacks Saddam? It will probably be less than the number of people he kills in a single month."

As the drums of war beat ever louder, I am still unsure of the strategic wisdom of opening a second front in the war against terror. But of the moral rectitude of such a course, there can be no doubt.

© Copyright 2003 National Post



To: John Carragher who wrote (19383)2/28/2003 1:41:18 PM
From: lorne  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 23908
 
Suspects linked to bin Laden, Iraq
Arrests of Arabs in Idaho, New York target terror financing
February 27, 2003

The Saudi man arrested by the Joint Terrorism Task Force yesterday in Idaho has ties to close associates of terrorist mastermind Osama bin Laden and to four Arab men charged at the same time with channeling funds to Iraq.

Sami Omar Al-Hussayen – a University of Idaho doctoral candidate supported by the Saudi government – was a terrorist bagman, according to a federal criminal justice source quoted by a Seattle newspaper.

"He's in touch with people who could pick up the phone, call [bin Laden], and he would take the call," the source told the Seattle Post-Intelligencer.

The 34-year-old Saudi father of two is accused of raising and distributing money through websites that promote terrorism and violence against the United States, according to an indictment yesterday that charges him with visa fraud and making false statements.

But investigators say the accusations do not reflect the central role they believe al-Hussayen has played in the flow of al-Qaida cash, the paper said.

The Washington Post reported today that al-Hussayen was in the U.S. on an expired visa at the time of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.

Al-Hussayen's arrest is linked to another indictment returned yesterday that charges four Arab men living near Syracuse with conspiring to evade U.S. sanctions against Iraq by allegedly funneling $2.7 million to unnamed persons in Baghdad through a charity group called Help the Needy.

Federal officials said the defendants in both cases are connected by their association with the Islamic Assembly of North America, or IANA, the parent group of Help the Needy.

Al-Hussayen is charged with supplying IANA, a Saudi charity operating in Ann Arbor, Mich., with money from overseas sources, providing computer expertise and with failing to disclose his relationship with the group.

The IANA says its aim is to coordinate the efforts of many groups in North America engaged in the propagation of Islam, or dawah. Websites operated by the organization, which Al-Hussayen helped build, praise suicide bombings and promote the use of airplanes as terror weapons, the indictment said.

One IANA website reprinted three fatwas – Islamic legal opinions – that encouraged "martyrdom" attacks against enemy targets just four months before Sept. 11, the Pittsburgh Tribune-Review reported last August.

The paper said IANA grew out of Dar Makkah, a dissolved Denver-based organization that published "The Friday Report," a publication that included a compilation of fatwas issued by Muslim sheiks.

Prosecutors at news conferences in New York and Idaho yesterday declined to explain further how al-Hussayen's activities meshed with the fundraising for Iraq, but Assistant U.S. Attorney Terry Derden, a prosecutor in Idaho, said the "cases have a common thread."

One of the men charged in New York, oncologist Rafil Dhafir, 55, was identified last year as vice president and a board member for IANA. At a London conference last June, Dhafir also was introduced as founder and president of Help the Needy and a graduate of the University of Baghdad School of Medicine.

Also named in the indictment were Maher Zagha, 34, a Jordanian who attended college in New York state; Ayman Jarwan, 33, of Syracuse, a Jordanian citizen born in Saudi Arabia who worked as the executive director of Help the Needy; and Osameh al-Wahaidy, 41, of Fayetteville, a Jordanian citizen employed as a spiritual leader at the Auburn Correctional Facility and a math instructor at the State University of New York at Oswego.

Jarwan was identified as office manager of Help the Needy in a Sept. 25, 2001, Detroit Free Press story that indicated the group had recently separated itself from IANA and relocated to Syracuse.

The Detroit paper said IANA had come under scrutiny because the name of its president, Mohammed Alahmari, was on a list of people the FBI said it wanted to question in connection with the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks.

Alahmari, 42, told the Free Press that he called the FBI in Detroit and was told he should not have been on the list. The Detroit daily said an FBI special agent at that office repeatedly declined to comment on Alahmari's status.

In the Sept. 25, 2001, story, Jarwan declined to say how much money the group raises each year, but he indicated that half of the revenue is sent to needy people in Iraq for items such as food, clothing and medicine.

He denied having links to terrorist groups.

Alahmari said in an October 2001 New York Times article on the international propagation of Saudi Arabia's strict Wahhabi sect of Islam that about half of IANA's money came from the Saudi government. The rest came from private donors, most of them Saudi, he said. Alahmari noted later in the article that he estimates half the mosques and Islamic schools in the U.S. have been built with the help of money from Saudi Arabia.

Expired visa

Al-Hussayen was in the U.S. on an expired visa at the time of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, said Ahmed Kattan, deputy chief of mission for the Saudi embassy in Washington, according to the Washington Post. Kattan said that during the ensuing government crackdown on INS violators, he returned to Saudi Arabia and obtained a new visa.

The indictment alleges that al-Hussayen received a monthly living stipend and tuition aid from the Saudi government.

He traveled to Saudi Arabia for a time in 2000, then again in early 2002, according to the Spokane Spokesman-Review. Last year, the university helped him apply for a visa extension "for continued attendance at this school."

Al-Hussayen denounced the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks according to the University of Idaho newspaper, calling them "immoral attacks" on "innocent civilians."

Probing al-Qaida network

Special-Agent-in-Charge Chip Burrus of the FBI's Salt Lake City field office said the investigation began as an intelligence inquiry into al-Qaida's financial network. Criminal justice sources said, according to the Seattle P-I, that the FBI used many of the means of electronic surveillance at its disposal including wiretaps and intercepts of e-mails.

The paper reported that its August story on the use of Islamic charities as a conduit to finance terrorism changed the course of the investigation by alerting Al-Hussayen and his colleagues. At that time, a Post-Intelligencer reporter unsuccessfully attempted to interview Al-Hussayen.

Burrus, noting that "we are at the beginning of the trail," indicated at the news conference in Idaho that the flow of funds is massive and complex.

Al-Hussayen is at the nexus of millions of dollars flowing from Saudi Arabia to the United States and from Al-Hussayen to individuals and Islamic organizations in the United States as well as Egypt, Canada, Jordan and Pakistan, the Seattle paper said, citing sources, court documents and public statements made yesterday.

The government alleges that Al-Hussayen has used at least six bank accounts in Indiana, Texas, Idaho and Michigan to accept about $300,000 from inside and outside the United States. From those accounts, he transferred "large sums of monies to the IANA" and to individuals in Cairo; Montreal; Riyadh; Amman, Jordan; and Islamabad, Pakistan, the indictment says.

The government also alleges that the Saudi student set up a Michigan checking account in his name designated for "a leading IANA official."

"The story of this case was a man welcomed to the state of Idaho to study at one of the best computer science programs anywhere," said Tom Moss, U.S. attorney for Idaho. "This is where our government sends people to train."
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