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Politics : DON'T START THE WAR -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Lizzie Tudor who wrote (14817)3/2/2003 5:40:50 PM
From: Lazarus_Long  Respond to of 25898
 
LOL! 1992 redux. "It's the economy, stupid!"



To: Lizzie Tudor who wrote (14817)3/2/2003 8:02:21 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 25898
 
Bush and Blair to Ditch UN if France Blocks Intervention

by James Cusick

Published on Sunday, March 2, 2003 by The Sunday Herald (Scotland)

AS hopes fade of winning a second UN resolution, Britain and the United States are now preparing the ground to argue that both governments already have the implied authority of the UN for conflict.

Sources close to Foreign Secretary Jack Straw yesterday admitted that if 'there was no prospect of winning a second resolution' -- due to the use of a UN Security Council veto by potentially France, Russia or China -- 'then we may consider abandoning it altogether'.

Washington also yesterday altered its strategy in exactly the same manner when Pres ident George Bush, referring to the existing Security Council resolution 1441, said the US was determined to enforce its terms, which demand that Saddam Hussein surrender his country's weapons of mass destruction.

Condoleezza Rice, the US national security adviser, called the new draft resolution presented to the UN last week simply 'an affirmation of the council's willingness to enforce its own resolution'.

Over the coming week, Tony Blair is expected to reinforce the message that it is the 'authority of the UN', already explicit in the unanimously agreed resolution 1441, that must be upheld.

In effect, the Prime Minister is preparing the ground for the political mayhem both inside his party and beyond should a second UN resolution fail to materialise and he takes British forces into war alongside the US.

Key to winning support in the Security Council would have been Iraq's defiance and obstruction of UN orders to disarm. But yesterday Iraq, reluctantly, agreed to the destruction of four of its outlawed al-Samoud 2 missiles. At a military base just outside Baghdad, bulldozers were brought in to crush the missiles under supervision of the UN.

A potential timetable to destroy the remaining 100-plus al-Samoud 2 missiles was also discussed with the UN. Around 50 of the missiles are with Iraqi forces scattered around the country and will have to be brought in to be destroyed.

And for the first time in a month, Iraq agreed to unsup ervised interviews with Iraqi scientists, a small number of which have taken place already.

Although Dr Hans Blix, the UN's chief weapons inspector, described Iraq's move on its missiles as 'a very significant piece of real disarmament' both the US and UK remained sceptical.

If Blix reinforces a signif icant positive shift in Iraq's level of co-operation when he delivers his latest report to the UN this Friday, it may put the final nail in the coffin for any hope of agreement on a second resolution.

France's foreign minister, Dominique de Villepin, said yesterday that the destruction of the missiles 'confirms that inspectors are getting results'. He said Iraq's decision to comply was an important step in the disarmament process.

As one of the harshest critics of the US-UK position, and having already demanded inspectors be given more time, it now seems inconceivable that France will now not use its veto in an attempt to avert war.

However, the White House said Iraq's compliance was 'propaganda wrapped in a lie inside a falsehood'.

Straw warned the international community that it 'should not be taken in' by Saddam. He dismissed Iraq's promise to destroy all its al-Samoud 2 missiles as 'a cynical attempt to divide the Security Council'. To end the crisis Straw said Saddam only had to say he was in 'complete, immediate and full compliance of resolution 1441'.

Iraqi foreign minister Naji Sabri said: 'We are co-operating because we want to co-operate, because we think it is to our benefit. We don't need anyone to tell us to co-operate.'

A senior source in the Foreign Office said that following Blix's report this Friday: 'It will probably be towards the end of the following week that the UK-backed second resol ution will be formally put to the Security Council. It is likely we will demand a formal vote, essentially to confront France or whoever and flush out their use of their veto. We would want to make it evident who had halted the resolution. But if there is no prospect of winning, that strategy may be abandoned altogether.'

Meanwhile, Turkey's parliament, after a day of high drama and confusion, yesterday finally denied US forces use of Turkish territory to launch a northern attack on Iraq. US supply ships and armaments had been waiting outside Turkish ports, with troops in the US also awaiting final authority to fly into Turkey. However, the Turkish parliament will reconvene on the issue this week.

The US -- which has promised a massive financial aid and trade package to Turkey -- are said to be furious at the potential logistical chaos this will bring to its battle plans. A northern front is regarded as crucial to the prospects of a quick, short war.

©2003 smg sunday newspapers ltd

commondreams.org



To: Lizzie Tudor who wrote (14817)3/3/2003 7:36:15 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 25898
 
Conservative supply-side economist Jude Wanniski says markets will PLUNGE if war breaks out -- regardless of whether it is long or short.

A War Scenario

Memo: To Website Fans, Browsers, Politicians
From: Jude Wanniski
Re: The War Scenario

polyconomics.com

This is the letter we sent to clients on Feb 11. We have sent several subsequent
letters with greater detail and nuance, but this still represents a fundamental view
of what we expect if the United States uses military might in Iraq without the
support of the United Nations:

Even some of the best economists I know are now saying the reason Iraq is a
drag on the financial markets is because of the uncertainty in the financial
cosmos. They argue that once Wall Street knows which it will be, peace or war, it
will be able to climb back. The economists I least respect are actually saying war
will be good for the markets. They simply look at some past wars, including the
Gulf War of 1991, and with no further analysis conclude that war with Iraq will
be bullish. Yes, the markets did surge when Desert Storm began, but that
occurred only because Iraq gave up two days before coalition troops entered
Kuwait to expel them. There was no fight, let alone a “mother of all battles,” and
it is still not absolutely certain that any of the 143 U.S. casualties died at the
hands of the Iraqis. If the President pulls the trigger without the support of the
U.N. Security Council, NATO or a fresh commitment by the U.S. Congress, I
believe the stock market will not only head down, but keep going even if the
formal war is over in a matter of days or weeks and Saddam is left hanging by
his toes in the Baghdad town square, Mussolini-style.

The situation today is really unprecedented in history because it is being seen by
most of the world as a war without justification. We have the most powerful
nation on earth threatening to disintegrate what is by now a nation that is not
only crippled by a dozen years of economic sanctions and weapons inspections,
but is also doing everything asked of it by the United Nations. My reading of
human history tells me that retaliation to what is perceived as an expansion of an
already unjust American imperium – by global vigilantes unconnected to formal
governments – will quickly bring an end to the kind of capitalism we now enjoy.
Every political economy is a form of capitalism, ours being a democratic
market capitalism. Should President Bush decide he must ignore all the
domestic and international democratic institutions that have evolved over the
centuries of our republic’s history, democratic market capitalism will soon have
to give way to state capitalism. It is not the formal war against Baghdad that
causes the problem but the global pathologies that will metastasize. Instead of
one Al Qaeda there will be dozens, hundreds of similar cancers forming in the
organic body of the world’s population.

Just as Israel finds that no matter how many homeland security steps it takes to
curtail individual terrorist acts from the Palestinian/Islamic world, the terrorists
find new, creative ways to commit suicide in ways that wreck the Israeli
economy. So too would the U.S. government be unable to detect and disrupt new
vigilante threats as fast as they were forming. In the 9-11 attack, the Al Qaeda
suicide terrorists struck at the World Trade Center, a symbol of America’s
international commercial power, the Pentagon and its military power, and made a
run at the White House. It is chilling to note that when Tom Ridge pushed the
warning color up to orange the other day, it also warned of possible attacks
against Jewish centers, including synagogues. This is because of the background
“chatter” intelligence agencies are picking up. My guess is that if Jewish
centers are hit, they would be secular, not religious. The Islamic extremists we
hear about, including Al Qaeda, do not seem to be identifying religious Jews as
the source of their problems in the Middle East or in the U.S. A war scenario
would have to include the possibility of individual suicide bombers showing up
in restaurants and theaters frequented by American Jews and blowing themselves
up. Such is the nature of social pathologies of the kind that have existed through
the history of the world.

In his annual testimony before Senate Banking on the state of the economy, Fed
Chairman Alan Greenspan today warned a prospective war with Iraq is already
causing serious problems for the U.S. economy. In our market capitalism,
economic weakness is dealt with by professional macro-economists who tweak
the tax rates or interest rates or spending programs. When the problem is a
terrorism that can shut down the commercial airline industry with a few Stinger
missiles, the President’s economic advisors might as well stay home. The federal
government will be forced to nationalize the airlines, as the markets will no
longer take the risks necessary to support a viable airline industry.

When market capitalism fails, the ruling class has no choice but to turn to state
capitalism in some form. The chaos in the world markets that would inevitably
follow a U.S. war perceived as being unjustified by the great majority of the
people in the world would be accompanied by so many bankruptcies that Uncle
Sam would be forced to effectively nationalize the banks. Federal, state and local
budget deficits would of course ramp up dramatically and so would the dollar
price of gold, oil and all other commodities. State and local governments now
having a dreadful time trying to make ends meet because of the problems caused
by the long monetary deflation would be unable to cope with the economic
distress without slashing spending, raising taxes and borrowing at double-digit
interest rates. An inflation that took up the price of gold to $1000 or more would
wipe out a good deal of the purchasing power of corporate pension funds.

This war scenario is not a “worst-case scenario,” but the most likely scenario
that would occur under a “worst-case political scenario.” It is presented here
only to help explain why I believe it most unlikely that it will occur. The “peace
scenario” I outlined last week
[ polyconomics.com ] remains my confident
forecast, precisely because I have thought through the war scenario and
concluded that President Bush and his advisers – including his father and his
wife – are most serious about allowing diplomacy to work to achieve the stated
purpose of government policy: the disarmament of Iraq. The bellicose rhetoric
coming out of the administration from all quarters is consistent with an attempt
to squeeze every possible concession from Baghdad if a bombing campaign and
follow-up invasion will not occur. As it is becoming increasingly clear, Baghdad
is complying.

Of course I could not be as optimistic had I not been in almost daily contact with
the Iraqi government for the last few years, both through the UN Mission in
NYC and the government itself in Baghdad via e-mail. I’m told directly that my
counsel has been taken in the sense that I have advised “feeding the doves” here
and around the world, by making concessions on the inspections program
whenever they are asked instead of “feeding the hawks” by digging in their
heels. Of course all this has not only been pro bono, but I have also kept our
executive and legislative branches informed of all my exchanges. When there
was resistance in Baghdad last week to permitting U-2 “spy planes” from
conducting surveillance flights, I pointed out U-2 planes are no more helpful
than the satellite photos in detecting activities on the ground and that there is no
way Iraq could thwart such spy planes anyway, as they fly far above the range of
artillery fire. It is because I believe Iraq really has been stripped of weapons of
mass destruction and will be no threat to anyone that I’m able to make
recommendations that will make sense to the Iraqi government. Saddam Hussein
is now able to say he has complied with all the demands placed on him. The
hawks have been starved and the doves are fat. As I pointed out in my “Peace
Scenario,” we should not be surprised if we hear Iraqi officialdom openly
discussing meaningful political reforms once these threats of war are removed.

___________________________

As an associate editor of The Wall Street Journal from 1972 to 1978, Jude Wanniski repopularized the classical theories of supply-side economics. His book, The Way The World Works, became a foundation of the global economic transformation launched by the Reagan Administration. He founded Polyconomics in 1978 to interpret the impact of political events on financial markets, keeping institutional investors informed on U.S. and world events that bear on their decisions. His network of long-standing relationships with members of the Executive and Congressional branches, the Federal Reserve Board and leading opinion makers augments Polyconomics` analysis. Mr. Wanniski, and Polyconomics, Inc., have achieved recognition worldwide for the efficacy of the supply-side political-economic model. Mr. Wanniski holds a B.A. in Political Science and an M.S. in Journalism from the University of California, Los Angeles.



To: Lizzie Tudor who wrote (14817)3/4/2003 5:54:34 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 25898
 
Bush's Middle East Plans Imperil U.S. Security and Economy

by Christopher Preble
The Cato Institute
March 4, 2003
cato.org

[Christopher Preble is director of foreign policy studies at the Cato Institute.]

President Bush's Feb. 26 speech for the American Enterprise Institute shows once again his unwavering commitment to a regime change in Iraq. The president's broader message -- that the war on Iraq is a first step in a long march toward promoting democracy throughout the Middle East -- suggests a new phase in American involvement abroad. This new direction will threaten American security, harm economic prosperity, and impinge on individual liberties.

Although the president repeated that the "safety of the American people depends on ending this direct and growing threat" posed by Saddam Hussein, a war on Iraq makes us all less secure. Witness the recent "Orange Alert" issued by the Department of Homeland Security. If you corner a snake, it may bite. In the same vein, the Bush administration's war warnings, and the presence of nearly 200,000 U.S. troops in nations surrounding Iraq, might precipitate pre-emptive terrorist strikes.

Notwithstanding the presumed Iraqi threat, the president spoke eloquently of the plight of the Iraqi people, and of the need for taking action on humanitarian and philosophical grounds. "America's interests in security, and America's belief in liberty," he said, "both lead in the same direction: to a free and peaceful Iraq." Bush appealed to his audience, and to all Americans, to assume responsibility for liberating Iraq, even though he admitted such a task would not be easy. Indeed, the president and his supporters have underestimated how difficult it will be to create a free and prosperous Iraq out of the ashes left behind by Saddam Hussein.

Promoters of nation-building in Iraq, including many who scorned similar efforts by a Democratic administration a few years ago, point to nation-building successes in Germany and Japan following World War II. Along these same lines, Bush declared that "[r]ebuilding Iraq will require a sustained commitment" and that the United States would "remain in Iraq as long as necessary, and not a day more." But there are still more than 70,000 U.S. troops in Germany and 50,000 in Japan, and this lingering troop presence has given rise to a virulent anti-Americanism. If these "success" stories reflect the model for post-war Iraq, we should expect U.S. troops to remain in this troubled region for many years.

On a broader level, liberals and conservatives alike who support a war in Iraq are exhibiting a level of hubris rarely witnessed in human history. Bush is correct, of course, in arguing that, "It is presumptuous and insulting to suggest that a whole region of the world -- or the one-fifth of humanity that is Muslim -- is somehow untouched by the" desire for freedom and democracy. But the practical application of that desire cannot be exported by the American military, complete with a "Made in America" stamp.

It is perhaps understandable that most Americans see few limits to this nation's ability to spread democracy. But there are limits, and there are costs. An expansive and far-flung U.S. empire -- even an empire dedicated to the noble mission of promoting democracy -- must be policed by an American military already strained to the breaking point. The Bush administration requested $380 billion for the military in the FY 2004 budget, and this request does not include any money for the war in Iraq. Some of the administration's internal estimates predicted that the war could cost as much as $200 billion. Critics fear that it could go higher.

The true costs, however, are more difficult to measure. There was an outpouring of international support following the horrific attacks of 9/11. Much of that goodwill has dissipated as world opinion has turned against a Bush administration deemed bent on war at all costs.

Those who wish us ill can and will mischaracterize our good intentions. The American people must recognize that a benign mission of liberation may become an obligation of occupation, even if the war on Iraq is completed quickly and with a minimal loss of life.

If a lengthy occupation occurs, as seems likely, we should expect that those who already hate us would use the excuse of an American troop presence in the Middle East as a vehicle to promote their mission of violence against Americans around the globe.

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