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Politics : DON'T START THE WAR -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Moneysmith who wrote (16857)3/7/2003 1:26:32 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 25898
 
<<...So let's take stock of how our invasion of Iraq is going. The Western alliance is ferociously strained, NATO is paralyzed, America is resented by millions, the United Nations is in crisis, U.S. pals like Tony Blair are being skewered at home, North Korea has exploited our distraction to crank up plutonium production, oil prices have surged, and the world financial markets have sagged...>>

Losses, Before Bullets Fly
By NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF
Coulmnist
The New York Times
March 7, 2003

Last week a member of the Canadian Parliament for the ruling party, Carolyn Parrish, was caught on television declaring: "Damn Americans. I hate those bastards."

Then the Toronto Globe and Mail newspaper conducted a (hopelessly unscientific) poll on its Web site, asking Canadians whether they agreed that "Americans are behaving like 'bastards.' " The returns aren't good: as of yesterday, 51 percent were saying yes.

When even the Canadians, normally drearily polite, get colorfully steamed at us, we know the rest of the world is apopleptic. After all, the latest invective comes on top of the prime minister's spokesman calling Mr. Bush a "moron" last fall.

Canada's incivility is a reminder that the U.S. and its allies are slugging one another to death while Iraq watches from the sidelines. If, as Mr. Bush suggested in a press conference last night, the U.S. may lose a vote in the U.N. and then promptly go to war anyway, the internecine warfare within the West will grow far worse.

The U.S. debate on the antipathy toward us has been misleading, I think, in its focus on France. (There's now an American bumper sticker: "Iraq Now, France Next.") It's not just the prickly Gauls who are taking potshots at us — it's even our buddies, like the Canadians and the Irish.

In a survey, The Sunday Independent newspaper of Ireland polled Dublin residents about whom they feared most, Saddam Hussein or George Bush. The result: 39 percent picked Saddam; 60 percent, Mr. Bush. Even in Britain, a poll by The Sunday Times of London found that equal numbers called Saddam and Mr. Bush the "greatest threat to world peace."

So let's take stock of how our invasion of Iraq is going. The Western alliance is ferociously strained, NATO is paralyzed, America is resented by millions, the United Nations is in crisis, U.S. pals like Tony Blair are being skewered at home, North Korea has exploited our distraction to crank up plutonium production, oil prices have surged, and the world financial markets have sagged.

And the war hasn't even begun yet.

Of course, one school of thought holds it doesn't much matter that the United States is perceived as the world's newest Libya. If the Canadians don't like us, we can always exercise the military option and push our border up to 54-40.

But global attitudes do matter. Before the first gulf war, Secretary of State James Baker made three visits to Turkey. This time around, Secretary of State Colin Powell hasn't visited once. So it's not surprising that Turkey refused to accept U.S. troops, impairing our plans for a northern offensive.

President Bush is now making great progress in the war against Al Qaeda. And that's happening because Mr. Bush was willing to work with the Pakistani leaders; what made the difference was not just our military power, but also our diplomacy.

Of course, the U.S. may have a solid plan, as Jay Leno said: "President Bush may be the smartest military president in history. First he gets Iraq to destroy all of their own weapons. Then he declares war."

The worry is that we're already taking such losses, in terms of our alliances, that one wonders what will happen when the hard part begins — the day after Saddam has toppled, when we may see Shiites slaughtering Sunnis in southern Iraq; thousands of armed Iraqi exiles pouring in from Iran; Turks and Kurds fighting over the Kirkuk oil wells in northern Iraq; Iraqi military officers trying to peddle anthrax and VX gas; and radical Islamists trying to take control of nuclear-armed Pakistan.

As one savvy official observed, occupying Baghdad comes at an "unpardonable expense in terms of money, lives lost and ruined regional relationships." Another expert put it this way: "We should not march into Baghdad. . . . To occupy Iraq would instantly shatter our coalition, turning the whole Arab world against us, and make a broken tyrant into a latter-day Arab hero . . . assigning young soldiers to a fruitless hunt for a securely entrenched dictator and condemning them to fight in what would be an unwinnable urban guerrilla war. It could only plunge that part of the world into even greater instability."

Those comments may overemphasize the risks, but they are from top-notch analysts whose judgments I respect. The first comment was made by Colin Powell in a Foreign Affairs essay in 1992; the second is in "A World Transformed," a 1998 book by the first President Bush.

nytimes.com



To: Moneysmith who wrote (16857)3/7/2003 2:14:05 AM
From: PartyTime  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 25898
 
Pentagon wants mini-nuke ban ended

Congress asked to permit US to develop 'more usable' bombs

Julian Borger in Washington
Friday March 7, 2003
The Guardian

The Pentagon has asked the US Congress to lift a 10-year ban on the development of small nuclear warheads, or "mini-nukes", in one of the most overt steps President George Bush's administration has taken towards building a new atomic arsenal.

Buried in the defence department's 2004 budget proposals, sent to congressional committees this week, was a single-line statement that marks a sharp change in US nuclear policy.

It calls on the legislature to "rescind the prohibition on research and development of low-yield nuclear weapons".

If passed by Congress, the measure would represent an important victory for radicals in the administration, who believe the US arsenal needs to be overhauled to make it more "usable", and therefore a more meaningful deterrent, to "rogue states" with weapons of mass destruction (WMD).

A Pentagon official said yesterday the research ban on smaller warheads "has negatively affected US government efforts to support the national strategy to counter WMD, and undercuts efforts that could strengthen our ability to deter or respond to new or emerging threats".

Democrats fought off earlier Republican attempts to lift the ban on research and development work on nuclear warheads under five kilotons (a third of the power of the bomb dropped on Hiroshima), fearing that the new weapons would lead to an end to the US moratorium on nuclear testing, and to a new arms race.

But since the Republicans won back control of the Senate last year, the administration believes it is in a strong position to lift the "Spratt-Furse restriction", named after two Democratic congressmen who proposed the ban in 1993.

"It's significant because this is the first time the administration - and it comes from the department of defence - has said it wants low-yield weapons," said Kathryn Crandall, a nuclear weapons expert at the British American Security Information Council.

She said the policy statement contradicted denials from administration officials that they had any ambitions to build new weapons.

The Pentagon official, who did not want to be named, said a repeal of the research and development ban would not commit the US to developing, producing and deploying new, low-yield warheads. "Such warhead concepts could not proceed to full-scale development, much less production and deployment, unless Congress authorises the substantial funds required to do this," the official said.

Congressional Republicans approved $15m last year for new research on nuclear "bunker busters", bombs designed to penetrate reinforced underground targets before exploding, but those weapons, known as the B83 and the B61, are modifications of existing high-yield nuclear bombs. Developing a new generation of low-yield devices would probably require testing.

The Senate never ratified the comprehensive test ban treaty, but the US imposed a moratorium on testing in 1992.

Many arms experts expect the moratorium and the treaty to come under increasing pressure as work progresses on the new arsenal. "Here we have the administration in one of its more open steps so far," Daryl Kimball, executive director of the Washington-based arms control association, said.

"The only reason why the administration might want to pursue low-yield nuclear weapons is to develop a weapon they believe is less damaging to the immediate environment.

"In the strange logic of these people, it would be more 'usable' - the political costs, they believe, will be lower," he said.

John Spratt, a Democratic congressman and one of the authors of the ban on "mini-nukes", accused radicals in the Bush administration of hypocrisy.

"My greatest concern is that some in the administration and in Congress seem to think that the United States can move the world in one direction while Washington moves in another - that we can continue to prevail on other countries not to develop nuclear weapons while we develop new tactical applications for such weapons, and possibly resume nuclear testing," Mr Spratt said.

The Pentagon's request to Congress comes only days after the disclosure of its plans to stage a conference in Omaha in August at which a range of new nuclear weapons, including "mini-nukes", is due to be discussed, and plans drawn up to develop them, test them, and persuade the public of the need for them.

guardian.co.uk