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To: NOW who wrote (15018)3/19/2003 4:53:33 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
War Coverage Goes Wall-To-Wall

by Danny Schechter

March 19, 2003

NEW YORK -- If you watch American television, it feels like New Year's eve with clocks counting down the minutes before the big ball drops in Times Square. Only this time, the big ball is likely to be a big bomb and the target is Baghdad, but the anticipation, even excitement is the same. That is especially so at the news networks that are planning to share footage from Baghdad and push their top shows onto cable outlets to clear time for wall-to-wall coverage.

With threat levels escalating in the U.S., journalists are also feeling threats in the field. The propaganda war has already moved into high gear. The Bush Administration strategy for managing news and spinning perception is well in place, with more than 500 reporters embedded in military units, with coverage restrictions to "guide" them. Their emphasis will be story telling, focusing on our soldiers. Human interest, not political interests, is the focus.

Andrew Tyndall studied network news in the week leading up the President's Declaration of War. What did he find? ABC's Peter Jennings, who anchored from the Gulf region on three days, told us that his network has "almost 30 reporters" up close and personal with U.S. troops.

"These young men know there is tremendous pressure on them to do well-and in a hurry. America expects them to win, even easily," Jennings said. The big story there was sandstorm season, "the oldest enemy in the desert, blinding, disorienting, even painful," according to CBS' Lee Cowan, "enough to peel off paint, grinding its way into machinery and weapons." The winds carry a mixture of chemicals, microbes and nutrients across oceans at a height of 10,000 feet, ABC's Ned Potter explained: "If you see a very colorful sunset, thank the dust from a distant desert."

There will be no dust in the Pentagon's new million-dollar state-of-the-art high tech media center, built to Hollywood specifications in Qatar so that Supreme Commander Tommy Franks can be all that he can be. Trustworthy former military officers are in place inside the networks to offer the kind of analysis the Pentagon would approve of.

Elizabeth Jensen of the Los Angeles Times says these TV generals are shaping news coverage: "When a tip comes in, some of the ex-military men will get on the phone -- in private, out of the open-desk chaos of a standard newsroom -- to chase it down, calling sources, oftentimes old buddies, whom even the most-plugged in correspondents can't reach. Gen. Barry McCaffrey likes his NBC job because it lets him "maintain influence on policy, being able to speak to these issues."

Reporters have been warned to leave the Iraqi capital, guaranteeing there will be fewer eyes on the shock and awe to come. The BBC's veteran war reporter Katie Aidie says she has been told that journalists operating on their own, the so-called "unilaterals," are being warned that they will be targeted by the invading army.

And what about Arab news outlets with their own sources? They will be targeted, says media war expert and Harper's Publisher John Macarthur. He told Editor and Publisher that he thinks Al -Jazeera, whose office was "accidentally" bombed in Kabul, Afghanistan, may face similar treatment. MacArthur predicts they will be "knocked out in the first 48 hours, like what happened in Kabul."

Macarthur told Barbara Bedway: "The Pentagon is expecting a kind of Panama-style war, over in three days. Nobody has time to see or ask any questions. I think if embedded reporters see anything important -- or bloody -- the Pentagon will interfere. Same result, different tactic: The truth gets distorted."

But that's not all. Network news managers have effectively accepted the Administration's rationale for war. Its pundits and experts tend to function as cheerleaders, with few dissenters given voice.

A study by FAIR, the media watchdog group, found that anti-war views were conspicuous by their absence:

"Looking at two weeks of coverage (January 30 to February 12), FAIR examined the 393 on-camera sources who appeared in nightly news stories about Iraq on ABC World News Tonight, CBS Evening News, NBC Nightly News and PBS' NewsHour with Jim Lehrer. The study began one week before and ended one week after Secretary of State Colin Powell's February 5 presentation at the U.N., a time of particularly intense debate about the idea of a war against Iraq on the national and international level.

More than two-thirds (267 out of 393) of the guests featured were from the United States. Of the U.S. guests, a striking 75 percent (199) were either current or former government or military officials. Only one of the official U.S. sources-- Sen. Edward Kennedy (D.-Mass.) -- expressed skepticism or opposition to the war.

Even this was couched in vague terms: "Once we get in there, how are we going to get out, what's the loss for American troops going to be, how long we're going to be stationed there, what's the cost is going to be?" Kennedy asked on NBC Nightly News on February 5.

Similarly, when both U.S. and non-U.S. "Such a predominance of official sources virtually assures that independent and grassroots perspectives will be underrepresented," FAIR said.

The reporting will be closely managed. Robert Fisk of the Independent points to "a new CNN system of 'script approval' -- the iniquitous instruction to reporters that they send all their copy to anonymous officials in Atlanta to ensure it is suitably sanitized. This suggests that the Pentagon and the Department of State have nothing to worry about. Nor do the Israelis.

"CNN, of course, is not alone in this paranoid form of reporting. Other U.S. networks operate equally anti-journalistic systems. And it's not the fault of the reporters. CNN's teams may use clichés and don military costumes -- you will see them do this in the next war -- but they try to get something of the truth out. Next time, though, they're going to have even less chance. "

That was Fisk before the Countdown to Combat was approved. More recently, Fisk has issued a language alert, now moving to an elevated level.

His clichés to counter theirs:

"Inevitable revenge" -- the executions of Saddam Hussein's Ba'ath party officials, which no one actually said were inevitable.

"Stubborn" or "suicidal"-- describes Iraqi forces fighting instead of retreating.

"Allegedly" -- for all carnage caused by Western forces.

"At last, the damning evidence" -- used when reporters enter old torture chambers.

"Officials here are not giving us much access" -- a clear sign that reporters in Baghdad are confined to their hotels.

"Life goes on" -- for any pictures of Iraq's poor making tea.

"What went wrong?"-- to accompany pictures illustrating the growing anarchy in Iraq, as if it were not predicted.

The War is with us. The reporting will fan its flames as surely as the fires of the oil wells.
___________________________________________

Danny Schechter writes a daily media analysis or Mediachannel.org. His latest book is MEDIA WARS: News at a Time of Terror (Rowman & Littlefield)

zmag.org



To: NOW who wrote (15018)3/21/2003 1:46:22 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 89467
 
Who Lost the U.S. Budget?

By PAUL KRUGMAN
Columnist
The New York Times
March 21, 2003

The Onion describes itself as "America's finest news source," and it's not an idle boast. On Jan. 18, 2001, the satirical weekly bore the headline "Bush: Our long national nightmare of peace and prosperity is finally over," followed by this mock quotation: "We must squander our nation's hard-won budget surplus on tax breaks for the wealthiest 15 percent. And, on the foreign front, we must find an enemy and defeat it."

Whatever our qualms about how we got here, all Americans now hope that the foreign front proceeds according to plan. Meanwhile, let's talk about the fiscal front.

The latest official projections acknowledge (if you read them carefully) that the long-term finances of the U.S. government are in much worse shape than the administration admitted a year ago. But many commentators are reluctant to blame George W. Bush for that grim outlook, preferring instead to say something like this: "Sure, you can criticize those tax cuts, but the real problem is the long-run deficits of Social Security and Medicare, and the unwillingness of either party to reform those programs."

Why is this line appealing? It seems more reasonable to blame longstanding problems for our fiscal troubles than to attribute them to just two years of bad policy decisions. Also, many pundits like to sound "balanced," pronouncing a plague on both parties' houses. To accuse the current administration of wrecking the federal budget sounds, well, shrill — and we don't want to sound shrill, do we?

There's only one problem with this reasonable, balanced, non-shrill position: it's completely wrong. The Bush tax cuts, not the retirement programs, are the main reason why our fiscal future suddenly looks so bleak.

I base that statement on a new study that compares the size of the Bush tax cuts with that of the prospective deficits of Social Security and Medicare. The results are startling.

Accountants estimate the "actuarial balance" of Social Security and Medicare the same way a private insurance company would: they calculate the present value of projected revenues and outlays, and find the difference. (The present value of a future expense is the amount you would have to invest today to have the money when the bill comes due. For example, if $1 invested in U.S. government bonds would be worth $2 by the year 2020, then the present value of $2 in 2020 is $1 today.) And both programs face shortfalls: the estimated actuarial deficit of Social Security over the next 75 years is $3.5 trillion, and that of Medicare is $6.2 trillion.

But how do these shortfalls compare with the fiscal effects of recent and probable future tax cuts?

The new study, carried out by the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, estimates the present value of the revenue that will be lost because of the Bush tax cuts — those that have already taken place, together with those that have been proposed — using the same economic assumptions that underlie those Medicare and Social Security projections. The total comes to $12 trillion to $14 trillion — more than the Social Security and Medicare shortfalls combined. What this means is that the revenue that will be sacrificed because of those tax cuts is not a minor concern. On the contrary, that revenue would have been more than enough to "top up" Social Security and Medicare, allowing them to operate without benefit cuts for the next 75 years.

The administration has tried to deny this conclusion, inventing strange new principles of accounting in the process. But the simple truth is that the Bush tax cuts have utterly transformed our fiscal outlook, for the worse. Without those tax cuts, the problems of an aging population might well have been manageable; with them, nothing short of an economic miracle can save us from a fiscal crisis.

And there's a lesson here that goes beyond fiscal policies. On almost every front the outlook for the United States now seems far bleaker than it did two years ago. Has everything gone wrong because of evildoers and external forces? In the case of the budget — and the economy and, yes, foreign policy — the answer is no. The world has turned out to be a tougher place than we thought a few years ago, but things didn't have to be nearly this bad.

The fault lies not in our stars, but in our leadership.

nytimes.com