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To: Mephisto who wrote (6529)4/15/2003 12:09:04 PM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 

Spoils of War

The New York Times
April 10, 2003

By BOB HERBERT

Follow the money.


Former Secretary of State George Shultz is on the board of directors
of the Bechtel Group,
the largest contractor in the U.S. and one of the finalists
in the competition to land a fat contract to help in the rebuilding of Iraq.

He is also the chairman of the advisory board of the
Committee for the Liberation of Iraq, a fiercely pro-war
group with close ties to the White House.

The committee, formed last year, made it clear from
the beginning that it sought more than the ouster of Saddam's regime. It was committed,
among other things, "to work beyond the liberation of Iraq
to the reconstruction of its economy."

War is a tragedy for some and a boon for others.


I asked Mr. Shultz if the fact that he was an advocate of the war while sitting on the board of a
company that would benefit from it left him concerned about the appearance of a conflict of interest.

"I don't know that Bechtel would particularly benefit from it," he said.
"But if there's work that's needed to be done, Bechtel is the type of company
that could do it. But nobody looks at it as something you benefit from."

Jack Sheehan, a retired Marine Corps general, is a senior vice
president at Bechtel. He's also a member of the Defense Policy Board,
a
government-appointed group that advises the Pentagon on major defense issues.
Its members are selected by the under secretary of defense for
policy, currently Douglas Feith, and approved by the secretary
of defense, Donald Rumsfeld.


Most Americans have never heard of the Defense Policy Group.
Its meetings are classified. The members disclose their business interests to the
Pentagon, but that information is not available to the public.


The Center for Public Integrity, a private watchdog group in Washington,
recently disclosed that of the 30 members of the board, at least 9 are linked
to companies that have won more than $76 billion in defense
contracts in 2001 and 2002.

Richard Perle
was the chairman of the board until just a few weeks ago,
when he resigned the chairmanship amid allegations of a conflict of
interest. He is still on the board.

Another member is the former C.I.A. director, James Woolsey.
He's also a principal in the Paladin Capital Group, a venture capital firm that, as the
Center for Public Integrity noted, is soliciting investments for
companies that specialize in domestic security.
Mr. Woolsey is also a member of the
Committee to Liberate Iraq and is reported to be in line to play a role in the postwar occupation.

The war against Iraq has become one of the clearest examples
ever of the influence of the military-industrial complex that President Dwight
Eisenhower warned against so eloquently in his farewell address in 1961.
This iron web of relationships among powerful individuals inside and
outside the government operates with very little public scrutiny
and is saturated with conflicts of interest.


Their goals may or may not coincide with the best interests of the American people.
Think of the divergence of interests, for example, between the
grunts who are actually fighting this war, who have been eating
sand and spilling their blood in the desert, and the power brokers who fought like
crazy to make the war happen and are profiting from it every step of the way.

There aren't a lot of rich kids in that desert. The U.S. military
is largely working-class. The power brokers homing in on $100 billion worth of postwar
reconstruction contracts are not.


The Pentagon and its allies are close to achieving what
they wanted all along, control of the nation of Iraq and its bounty,
which is the wealth and myriad forms of power that flow from
control of the world's second-largest oil reserves.


The transitional government of Iraq is to be headed
by a retired Army lieutenant general, Jay Garner.
His career path was typical. He moved
effortlessly from his military career to the presidency
of SYColeman, a defense contractor that helped Israel develop
its Arrow missile-defense system. The iron web.

Those who dreamt of a flowering of democracy in Iraq
are advised to consider the skepticism of Brent Scowcroft,
the national security adviser to the
first President Bush. He asked: "What's going to
happen the first time we hold an election in Iraq and it turns out the radicals win?
What do you do?
We're surely not going to let them take over."


nytimes.com
Copyright 2003 The New York Times Company



To: Mephisto who wrote (6529)4/15/2003 12:15:56 PM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
Ultimate Insiders
The New York Times
April 14, 2003

By BOB HERBERT

Let's go back some 20 years.
Ronald Reagan was president.
George Shultz was secretary of state. Lebanon was in turmoil. And Iraq and Iran were
locked in a vicious war that had sharply curtailed the flow of oil out of Iraq.

In December 1983 Donald Rumsfeld was sent to the Middle East
as a special envoy in an effort to jump-start the peace process in Lebanon and
advance a presidential initiative for peace between Arabs and Israelis.

One of his stops was Baghdad, where he met with Saddam Hussein.

That was unusual. Mr. Rumsfeld was the highest-ranking U.S. official to visit
Iraq since 1967, when Iraq and other Arab nations severed relations
with the U.S., which they blamed for Israel's victory in the Six-Day War.

The primary goal of Mr. Rumsfeld's visit to Baghdad
was to improve relations with Iraq.

But another matter was also quietly discussed. The powerful
Bechtel Group in San Francisco,
of which Secretary Shultz had been president before
joining the Reagan administration, wanted to build an oil
pipeline from Iraq to the Jordanian port of Aqaba, near the Red Sea.

It was a billion-dollar project and the U.S. government
wanted Saddam to sign off on it.


This remains, two decades later, a touchy subject.
When I brought the matter up last week with James Placke, who in 1983 was a deputy assistant
secretary of state for Near Eastern affairs, he said,
"My memory on that is kind of foggy."

But at the mention of Bechtel, he said: "Ahh, now you've said the magic word.
Now I remember. Bechtel was promoting it."

Bechtel was promoting it and the Middle East peace envoy,
Donald Rumsfeld, was pushing it with top Iraqi officials.
A previously classified State
Department memo that is contained in a report on the pipeline by
the Institute for Policy Studies in Washington described
how Mr. Rumsfeld broached the subject during a private
meeting with Iraq's foreign minister, Tariq Aziz.


The memo, from Mr. Rumsfeld, said: "I raised the question
of a pipeline through Jordan. He said he was familiar with the proposal. It apparently was
a U.S. company's proposal. However, he was concerned about
the proximity to Israel as the pipeline would enter the Gulf of Aqaba."

The Iraqis were afraid the Israelis might destroy the pipeline. "I said
I could understand that there would need to be some sort of arrangement that
would give those involved confidence that it would not be easily
vulnerable," Mr. Rumsfeld wrote in the memo. He added, parenthetically: "This may
be an issue to raise with Israel at the appropriate time."

It was known by the fall of 1983 that Iraq had used chemical
weapons against Iran. That did not prevent the U.S.
from pursuing improved relations
with Saddam, or curb the enthusiasm for the Aqaba
pipeline - a project promoted by a company that
had given the Reagan administration not just
its secretary of state, but also its secretary of
defense, Caspar Weinberger, who had been
Bechtel's general counsel.


No one seemed concerned about weaving these obvious
conflicts of interest into the peace process in the most volatile region of the world.

Mr. Shultz said he recused himself from anything having to do with the pipeline.
But it was his State Department that had joined with Bechtel to
push the project, and everyone knew that Mr. Shultz had run Bechtel.

Saddam ultimately gave a thumbs down to the pipeline proposal.
"It didn't seem to make very good commercial sense," said Mr. Placke, "and
ultimately I think it failed on those grounds."

The efforts to promote peace in the Middle East also failed.
Now, 20 years later, Mr. Shultz (who is currently on the board of Bechtel) and Mr.
Rumsfeld are among the fiercest of the war hawks.
They wanted war with Iraq and they got it.


Their philosophical flights in favor of the war would seem
more graceful, and much less unsavory, if they
weren't flying with the baggage of Bechtel
and other large commercial interests that have so much to gain from the war.

This unilateral war and the ouster of Saddam have given
the hawks and their commercial allies carte blanche in Iraq. And the company with
perhaps the sleekest and most effective of all the inside tracks,
a company that is fairly panting with anticipation over oil and reconstruction
contracts worth scores of billions of dollars, is of course the
Bechtel Group of San Francisco.

nytimes.com
Copyright 2003 The New York Times Company



To: Mephisto who wrote (6529)9/4/2003 10:14:49 PM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
Halliburton's Deals Greater Than Thought

By Michael Dobbs
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, August 28, 2003; Page A01

Halliburton, the company formerly headed by Vice President
Cheney, has won contracts worth more than $1.7 billion under
Operation Iraqi Freedom and stands to make hundreds of
millions more dollars under a no-bid contract awarded by the
U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, according to newly available
documents.


The size and scope of the government contracts
awarded to Halliburton in connection with the
war in Iraq are significantly greater than was
previously disclosed and demonstrate the U.S.
military's increasing reliance on for-profit
corporations to run its logistical operations.
Independent experts estimate that as much as
one-third of the monthly $3.9 billion cost of
keeping U.S. troops in Iraq is going to
independent contractors.

Services performed by Halliburton, through its
Brown and Root subsidiary, include building
and managing military bases, logistical support
for the 1,200 intelligence officers hunting Iraqi
weapons of mass destruction, delivering mail
and producing millions of hot meals. Often
dressed in Army fatigues with civilian patches
on their shoulders, Halliburton employees and
contract personnel have become an integral part
of Army life in Iraq.

Spreadsheets drawn up by the Army Joint
Munitions Command show that about $1 billion
had been allocated to Brown and Root Services
through mid-August for contracts associated
with Operation Iraqi Freedom, the Pentagon's
name for the U.S.-led war and occupation. In
addition, the company has earned about $705
million for an initial round of oil field
rehabilitation work for the Army Corps of
Engineers, a corps spokesman said.

Specific work orders assigned to the subsidiary under Operation
Iraqi Freedom include $142 million for base camp operations in
Kuwait, $170 million for logistical support for the Iraqi
reconstruction effort and $28 million for the construction of
prisoner of war camps, the Army spreadsheet shows. The
company was also allocated $39 million for building and
operating U.S. base camps in Jordan, the existence of which the
Pentagon has not previously publicly acknowledged.

Over the past decade, Halliburton, a Houston-based company
that made its name servicing pipelines and oil wells, has
positioned itself to take advantage of an increasing trend by the
federal government to contract out many support operations
overseas. It has emerged as the biggest single government
contractor in Iraq, followed by such companies as Bechtel, a
California-based engineering firm that has won hundreds of
millions of dollars in U.S. Agency for International Development
reconstruction contracts, and Virginia-based DynCorp, which is
training the new Iraqi police force.


The government said the practice has been spurred by cutbacks
in the military budget and a string of wars since the end of the
Cold War that have placed enormous demand on the armed
forces.

But, according to Rep. Henry A. Waxman (D-Calif.) and other
critics, the Iraq war and occupation have provided a handful of
companies with good political connections, particularly
Halliburton, with unprecedented money-making opportunities.

"The amount of money [earned by Halliburton] is quite
staggering, far more than we were originally led to believe,"
Waxman said. "This is clearly a trend under this administration,
and it concerns me because often the privatization of government
services ends up costing the taxpayers more money rather than
less."


Wendy Hall, a Halliburton spokeswoman, declined to discuss the
details of the company's operations in Iraq, or confirm or deny
estimates of the amounts the company has earned from its
contracting work on behalf of the military. In an e-mail message,
however, she said that suggestions of war profiteering were "an
affront to all hard-working, honorable Halliburton employees."

Hall added that military contracts were awarded "not by
politicians but by government civil servants, under strict
guidelines."

Daniel Carlson, a spokesman for the Army's Joint Munitions
Command, said Brown and Root had won a competitive bidding
process in 2001 to provide a wide range of "contingency" services
to the military in the event of the deployment of U.S. troops
overseas. He said the contract, known as the Logistics Civil
Augmentation Program, or LOGCAP, was designed to free
uniformed personnel for combat duties and did not preclude
deals with other contractors.

Carlson said the money earmarked for Brown and Root was an
estimate, and could go "up or down" depending on the work
performed.

The Joint Munitions Command provided The Washington Post
with an updated version of a spreadsheet the Army released to
Waxman earlier this month, giving detailed estimates of money
obligated to Brown and Root under Operation Iraqi Freedom.
Estimates of the company's revenue from Iraq have been
increasing steadily since February, when the Corps of Engineers
announced the company had won a $37.5 million contract for
pre-positioning fire equipment in the region.

In addition to its Iraq contracts, Brown and Root has also earned
$183 million from Operation Enduring Freedom, the military
name for the war on terrorism and combat operations in
Afghanistan, according to the Army's numbers.

Waxman's interest in Halliburton was ignited by a routine Corps
of Engineers announcement in March reporting that the
company had been awarded a no-bid contract, with a $7 billion
limit, for putting out fires at Iraqi oil wells. Corps spokesmen
justified the lack of competition on the grounds that the
operation was part of a classified war plan and the Army did not
have time to secure competitive bids for the work.

The corps said the oil rehabilitation deal was an offshoot of the
LOGCAP contract, a one-year agreement renewable for 10 years.
Individual work orders assigned under LOGCAP do not have to
be competitively bid. But Waxman and other critics maintain
that the oil work has nothing to do with the logistics operation.

The practice of delegating a vast array of logistics operations to a
single contractor dates to the aftermath of the 1991 Persian Gulf
War and a study commissioned by Cheney, then defense
secretary, on military outsourcing. The Pentagon chose Brown
and Root to carry out the study and subsequently selected the
company to implement its own plan. Cheney served as chief
executive of Brown and Root's parent company, Halliburton,
from 1995 to 2000, when he resigned to run for the vice
presidency.

At the time, said P.W. Singer, a Brookings Institution scholar
and author of "Corporate Warriors," it was impossible to predict
how lucrative the military contracting business would become.
He estimates the number of contract workers in Iraq at 20,000,
or about one for every 10 soldiers. During the Gulf War, the
proportion was about one in 100.

Brown and Root's revenue from Operation Iraqi Freedom is
already rivaling its earnings from its contracts in the Balkans,
and is a major factor in increasing the value of Halliburton
shares by 50 percent over the past year, according to industry
analysts. The company reported a net profit of $26 million in the
second quarter of this year, in contrast to a $498 million loss in
the same period last year.

Waxman aides said they have been told by the General
Accounting Office that Brown and Root is likely to earn "several
hundred million more dollars" from the no-bid Corps of
Engineers contract to rehabilitate Iraqi oil fields. Waxman, the
ranking minority member on the House Government Reform
Committee, had asked the GAO to investigate the corps' decision
not to bid out the contract.

After a round of unfavorable publicity, the corps explained that
the sole award to Brown and Root would be replaced by a
competitively bid contract. But the deadline for announcing the
results of the competition has slipped from August to October,
causing rival companies to complain that little work will be left
for anybody else. Bechtel, one of Halliburton's main competitors,
announced this month that it would not bid for the corps
contract and would instead focus on securing work from the Iraqi
oil ministry.

In addition to the Army contracts, Halliburton has profited from
other government-related work in Iraq and the war on terrorism,
and has a $300 million contract with the Navy structured along
similar lines to LOGCAP.


Pentagon officials said the increasing reliance on contractors is
inevitable, given the multiple demands on the military,
particularly since Sept. 11, 2001. Defense Secretary Donald H.
Rumsfeld is a champion of "outsourcing," writing in The Post in
May that "more than 300,000 uniformed personnel" were doing
jobs that civilians could do.

Independent experts said the trend toward outsourcing logistic
operations has resulted in new problems, such as a lack of
accountability and transparency on the part of private military
firms and sometimes questionable billing practices.

A major problem in Iraq, Singer said, has been the phenomenon
of "no-shows" caused by the inhospitable security environment,
including the killing of contract workers, including a Halliburton
mail delivery employee earlier this month.

"At the end of the day, neither these companies nor their
employees are bound by military justice, and it is up to them
whether to show up or not," Singer said. "The result is that there
have been delays in setting up showers for soldiers, getting them
cooked meals and so on."

A related concern is the rising cost of hiring contract workers
because of skyrocketing insurance premiums. Singer estimates
that premiums have increased by 300 percent to 400 percent
this year, costs that are passed on to the taxpayer under the
cost-plus-award fee system that is the basis for most contracts.

The LOGCAP contract awarded to Brown and Root in 2001 was
the third, and potentially most lucrative, super-contract awarded
by the Army. Brown and Root won the first five-year contract in
1992, but lost the second to rival DynCorp in 1997 after the GAO
criticized the Army for not adequately controlling contracting
costs in Bosnia.

© 2003 The Washington Post Company

washingtonpost.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (6529)10/14/2003 11:54:57 PM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
France investigates Cheney company's role
in gas project


The Associated Press
Saturday, October 11, 2003

PARIS A French judge is looking into accusations of
corruption during construction of a natural gas
complex in Nigeria by a consortium including a
subsidiary of the U.S. oil-field services firm
Halliburton Company, judicial officials said.


The investigating judge, Renaud Van Ruymbeke, is
looking into who may have benefited from nearly
E170 million, or $200 million, in commissions
allegedly handed out from 1995 to 2002, the officials
said on condition of anonymity.

The companies in the consortium are France's
Technip, Italy's Snamprogetti, Japan's JGC and
Kellogg Brown Root, a Halliburton subsidiary. Vice
President Dick Cheney was chief executive of
Halliburton, based in Houston, Texas, from 1995 to
2000.

The inquiry in France is for "misuse of funds" and
"corruption of foreign public agents," the officials
said.

A Halliburton spokeswoman said she was checking
into the matter and would try to provide a comment
later from the consortium, called TSKJ.

Marina Toncelli, a Technip spokeswoman, said her
company had fully cooperated with French justice
officials since the opening of a preliminary inquiry
last year. Officials at the Tokyo headquarters of the
Japanese engineering firm could not be reached for
comment late Friday.

The inquiry stemmed from a separate, years-long
investigation into Elf Aquitaine, the former French
state-run oil giant, according to a report in Le Figaro
newspaper that was confirmed by judicial officials.
The Elf scandal has tarnished the reputations of
many former executives as well as a former foreign
minister, Roland Dumas.

Halliburton's operations in Nigeria have already run
into trouble.


In May, the company disclosed in a federal filing that
it paid a Nigerian tax official $2.4 million in bribes.
The company fired several employees and
emphasized that no senior officials were involved.

Halliburton, the world's second-largest oil-field
services company run by Cheney before he became
the vice presidential candidate in 2000 - has been at
the center of a debate about lack of competition for
contracts on Iraq reconstruction. The Kellogg Brown
Root subsidiary has received noncompetitive work
worth more than $1 billion to restore Iraq's oil
industry.


iht.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (6529)12/12/2003 1:16:23 PM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
High Payments to Halliburton for Fuel in Iraq

December 10, 2003

By DON VAN NATTA Jr.

The United States government is paying the Halliburton Company
an average of $2.64 a gallon to import gasoline and other fuel to Iraq from
Kuwait, more than twice what others are paying to truck in Kuwaiti fuel,
government documents show.


Halliburton, which has the exclusive United States contract
to import fuel into Iraq, subcontracts the work to a Kuwaiti firm, government officials
said. But Halliburton gets 26 cents a gallon for its overhead and fee,
according to documents from the Army Corps of Engineers.

The cost of the imported fuel first came to public attention
in October when two senior Democrats in Congress criticized Halliburton, the huge
Houston-based oil-field services company, for "inflating gasoline
prices at a great cost to American taxpayers." At the time, it was estimated that
Halliburton was charging the United States government and Iraq's
oil-for-food program an average of about $1.60 a gallon for fuel available for 71
cents wholesale.


But a breakdown of fuel costs, contained in Army Corps documents
recently provided to Democratic Congressional investigators and shared with
The New York Times, shows that Halliburton is charging $2.64 for
a gallon of fuel it imports from Kuwait and $1.24 per gallon for fuel from Turkey.

A spokeswoman for Halliburton, Wendy Hall, defended the company's
pricing. "It is expensive to purchase, ship, and deliver fuel into a wartime
situation, especially when you are limited by short-duration contracting,"
she said. She said the company's Kellogg Brown & Root unit, which
administers the contract, must work in a "hazardous" and "hostile
environment," and that its profit on the contract is small.

The price of fuel sold in Iraq, set by the government, is 5 cents
to 15 cents a gallon. The price is a political issue, and has not been raised to avoid
another hardship for Iraqis.

The Iraqi state oil company and the Pentagon's Defense Energy
Support Center import fuel from Kuwait for less than half of Halliburton's price, the
records show.


Ms. Hall said Halliburton's subcontractor had had more than 20
trucks damaged or stolen, nine drivers injured and one driver killed when making
fuel runs into Iraq.

She said the contract was also expensive because it was hard
to find a company with the trucks necessary to move the fuel, and because
Halliburton is only able to negotiate a 30-day contract for fuel.
"It is not as simple as dropping by a service station for a fill-up," she said.

A spokesman for the Army Corps of Engineers, Bob Faletti,
also defended the price of imported fuel.

"Everyone is talking about high costs, but no one is talking
about the dangers, or the number of fuel trucks that have been blown up," Mr. Faletti
said. "That's the reason it is so expensive." He said recent government
audits had found no improprieties in the Halliburton contract.

Gasoline imports are one of the largest costs of Iraqi reconstruction
efforts so far. Although Iraq sits on the third-largest oil reserves in the world,
production has been hampered by pipeline sabotage, power failures
and an antiquated infrastructure that was hurt by 11 years of United Nations
sanctions.

Nearly $500 million has already been spent to bring gas, benzene
and other fuels into Iraq, according to the corps. And as part of the $87 billion
package for Iraq and Afghanistan that President Bush signed last month,
$18.6 billion will be spent on reconstruction projects, including $690
million for gasoline and other fuel imports in 2004.

From May to late October, Halliburton imported about 61 million
gallons of fuel from Kuwait and about 179 million from Turkey, at a total cost of
more than $383 million.

A company's profits on the transport and sale of gasoline are
usually razor-thin, with companies losing contracts if they overbid by half a penny a
gallon. Independent experts who reviewed Halliburton's percentage
of its gas importation contract said the company's 26-cent charge per gallon of
gas from Kuwait appeared to be extremely high.

"I have never seen anything like this in my life," said Phil Verleger,
a California oil economist and the president of the consulting firm PK Verleger
LLC. "That's a monopoly premium - that's the only term to describe it.
Every logistical firm or oil subsidiary in the United States and Europe would
salivate to have that sort of contract."

In March, Halliburton was awarded a no-competition contract to
repair Iraq's oil industry, and it has already received more than $1.4 billion in
work. That award has been the focus of Congressional scrutiny
in part because Vice President Dick Cheney is Halliburton's former chief executive
officer.
As part of its contract, Halliburton began importing fuel in
the spring when gasoline was in short supply in large Iraqi cities.

The government's accounting shows that Halliburton paid its
Kuwait subcontractor $1.17 a gallon, when it was selling for 71 cents a gallon
wholesale in the Middle East.

In addition, Halliburton is paying $1.21 a gallon to transport the
fuel an estimated 400 miles from Kuwait to Iraq, the documents show. It is paying
22 cents a gallon to transport gas into Iraq from Turkey.

The 26 cents a gallon it keeps includes a 2-cent fee and 24 cents
for "mark-up costs," the documents show. The mark-up portion is intended to
cover the overhead for administering the contract.

Ms. Hall of Halliburton said it was "misleading" for the corps to call
it a mark-up. "This simply means overhead costs, which includes the general
and administrative costs like light bulbs, paper and employees," she said.
"These costs are specifically allowable under the contract with the Corps
of Engineers, are defined by detailed regulations, and are scrutinized and
approved by U.S. government auditors."

In recent weeks, the costs of importing fuel from Kuwait have risen.
Figures provided recently to Congressional investigators by the corps show
that Halliburton was charging as much as $3.06 per gallon for fuel
from Kuwait in late November.

If the corps concludes that Halliburton has successfully
administered the gas contract, it could be paid an additional
5 percent of the total value of
the gas it imported.

Halliburton's Kuwait subcontractor was hired in May. Halliburton
and the Army Corps of Engineers refused to identify the company, citing security
reasons. Aides to Representative Henry A. Waxman, the California
Democrat who has been a critic of the fuel contract, said government officials
had identified it as the Altanmia Commercial Marketing Company.
Several independent petroleum experts in the Middle East and the United
States said they had not heard of Altanmia.

Copies of the Army Corps documents were given to Mr. Waxman's
office, which provided them to The Times.

Iraqi's state oil company, SOMO, pays 96 cents a gallon to bring in
gas, which includes the cost of gasoline and transportation costs, the aides to
Mr. Waxman said. The gasoline transported by SOMO - and by
Halliburton's subcontractor - are delivered to the same depots in Iraq and often
use the same military escorts.

The Pentagon's Defense Energy Support Center pays $1.08 to $1.19 per
gallon for the gas it imports from Kuwait, Congressional aides said. That
includes the price of the gas and its transportation costs.

The money for Halliburton's gas contract has come principally from
the United Nations oil-for-food program, though some of the costs have been
borne by American taxpayers. In the appropriations bill signed by
Mr. Bush last month, taxpayers will subsidize all gas importation costs beginning
early next year.


In an interview on Tuesday, Mr. Waxman responded to the latest
information on to costs of the Halliburton contract. "It's inexcusable that
Americans are being charged absurdly high prices to buy gasoline for
Iraqis and outrageous that the White House is letting it happen," he said.


Copyright 2003 The New York Times Company
nytimes.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (6529)12/12/2003 4:22:57 PM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 15516
 
Halliburton May Have
Overcharged Millions


By MATT KELLEY, Associated Press Writer

WASHINGTON -A Pentagon audit has found
Vice President Dick Cheney 's former company may
have overcharged the Army by $1.09 per gallon for nearly 57 million
gallons of gasoline delivered to citizens in Iraq , senior
defense officials say.


Auditors found potential overcharges of up to
$61 million for gasoline that a Halliburton
subsidiary delivered as part of its no-bid
contract to help rebuild Iraq's oil industry.

But the company apparently didn't profit
from the discrepancy, according to officials
who briefed reporters Thursday on condition
of anonymity. The problem, the officials
said, was that Halliburton may have paid a
Kuwaiti subcontractor too much for the
gasoline in the first place.

Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld,
speaking Friday to a group of state
legislators, stressed that the Pentagon had
a "fairly normal process" for reviewing
contractors' bills before payment is made.

"We've got auditors that crawl all over these
things, and what you're reading about in the
paper is not an overpayment at all,"
Rumsfeld said, in response to a question
from the audience about media reports on
the audit. "It ... may be a disagreement
between the company and the Department
of Defense ... and
possibly between the company and
subcontractors as to what ought to be
charged, but there has not to my knowledge
been any overpayment."

A Halliburton statement released Thursday said the Kuwaiti company
was the only one that met the Army Corps of Engineers' specifications.
"Halliburton only makes a few cents on the dollar when fuel is delivered
from Kuwait to Iraq," the statement read.

Democratic presidential candidates said the audit demonstrated the
Bush administration's commitment to special and corporate interests.

"We've recently learned what many Americans have suspected for a long
time - special interest contributor Halliburton is overcharging the
American taxpayers," said Howard Dean . "For the
safety of our troops, we need to make sure every penny in Iraq is spent
wisely and efficiently."

Rep. Dick Gephardt also a Democratic presidential
candidate, said the Bush administration's "policy in Iraq of putting the
corporate special interests first is unacceptable." And retired Gen.
Wesley Clark said Bush is "more concerned about
the success of Halliburton than having a success strategy in Iraq."

"Think about what $61 million could buy for our troops in need rather
than lining the pockets of Halliburton executives," said Sen. John Kerry
of Massachusetts. "The Bush administration should
be ashamed that they bent over backwards for their biggest contributors
while leaving American troops in danger."

Sen. John Edwards of North Carolina, another Democratic candidate,
said in a statement, "Halliburton is engaged in war profiteering, plain and
simple. A company that donates huge sums to the president and once
was chaired by the vice president is now war profiteering at taxpayer
expense."

At the White House on Friday, presidential spokesman Scott McClellan
said, "There are oversight measures and procedures in place to make
sure that tax dollars are spent appropriately. And we expect those
measures to be followed and we expect those procedures to be
followed."

The Pentagon officials said Halliburton's Kellogg, Brown & Root
subsidiary also submitted a proposal for cafeteria services that was $67
million too high. The officials said the Pentagon rejected it.

The defense officials said they had no reason to believe the problems
were anything other than "stupid mistakes" by Halliburton. They said the
company and the Pentagon were negotiating a possible settlement of
the matter, which could include repayment by Halliburton.

In the statement Thursday, Halliburton chairman, president and CEO
Dave Lesar said, "We welcome a thorough review of any and all of our
government contracts."

News of the problems came as President Bush
worked to justify his decision to limit $18.6 billion in Iraq reconstruction
contracts to companies from the United States or countries that
supported the war. The move angered governments whose firms were cut
out of the bidding process, including Canada, France, Germany and
Russia.

Many Democrats also have criticized the Halliburton contracts,
suggesting they were a political payoff for a company with strong ties to
the GOP and whose executives gave generously to the Bush campaign.

Cheney and Pentagon officials deny any political
motive for awarding the no-bid contracts to KBR,
which has a long-standing relationship with the
military as a major Pentagon contractor.

Routine audits by the Defense Contract Audit
Agency uncovered the problems.

Pentagon officials said they were concerned about
problems with KBR's contracts, which were awarded
without competitive bidding for up to $15.6 billion
for rebuilding Iraq's oil infrastructure and assisting
U.S. troops there.
About $5 billion has been spent or
is obligated to be spent on those contracts so far.

The defense officials, who are involved in the audit of
the contracts, said the Pentagon was negotiating
with KBR over how to resolve the fuel-pricing issue.
They declined to name the Kuwaiti subcontractor
that provided the fuel, saying that company may not
have been notified of the inquiry's findings.

story.news.yahoo.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (6529)12/30/2003 11:52:34 AM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
Hard-liners sabotaging reconciliation
seattlepi.nwsource.com
By PAUL KRUGMAN
SYNDICATED COLUMNIST

James Baker sets off to negotiate Iraqi debt forgiveness with
America's estranged allies. And at that very moment the
deputy secretary of defense releases a "Determination and
Findings" on reconstruction contracts that not only
excludes those allies from bidding, but does so with highly
offensive language. What's going on?

Maybe I'm giving Paul Wolfowitz too much credit, but I don't
think this was mere incompetence. I think the
administration's hard-liners are deliberately sabotaging
reconciliation.

Surely this wasn't just about reserving contracts for
administration cronies. Yes, Halliburton is profiteering in
Iraq -- will apologists finally concede the point, now that a
Pentagon audit finds overcharging? And reports suggest a
scandal in Bechtel's vaunted school-repair program.

But I've always found claims that profiteering was the
motive for the Iraq war -- as opposed to a fringe benefit -- as
implausible as claims that the war was about fighting
terrorism. There are deeper motives here.


Wolfowitz's official rationale for the contract policy is
astonishingly cynical: "Limiting competition for prime
contracts will encourage the expansion of international
cooperation in Iraq and in future efforts" -- future efforts? --
and "should encourage the continued cooperation of
coalition members." Translation: We can bribe other
nations to send troops.


But I doubt whether even Wolfowitz believes that. The last
year, from the failure to get U.N. approval for the war to the
retreat over the steel tariff, has been one long lesson in the
limits of U.S. economic leverage. Wolfowitz knows as well as
the rest of us that allies who could really provide useful
help won't be swayed by a few lucrative contracts.

If the contracts don't provide useful leverage, however, why
torpedo a potential reconciliation between the United
States and its allies? Perhaps because Wolfowitz's faction
doesn't want such a reconciliation.


These are tough times for the architects of the "Bush
doctrine" of unilateralism and preventive war. Dick Cheney,
Donald Rumsfeld and their fellow Project for a New
American Century alumni viewed Iraq as a pilot project, one
that would validate their views and clear the way for further
regime changes. (Hence Wolfowitz's line about "future
efforts.")


Instead, the venture has turned sour -- and many insiders
see Baker's mission as part of an effort by veterans of the
first Bush administration to extricate George W. Bush from
the hard-liners' clutches. If the mission collapses amid
acrimony over contracts, that's a good thing from the
hard-liners' point of view.

Bear in mind that there is plenty of evidence of policy
freebooting by administration hawks, such as the
clandestine meetings last summer between Pentagon
officials working for Douglas Feith, undersecretary of
defense for policy and planning -- and a key player in the
misrepresentation of the Iraqi threat -- and Iranians of
dubious repute. Remember also that blowups by the
hard-liners, just when the conciliators seem to be getting
somewhere, have been a pattern.

There was a striking example in August. It seemed that
Colin Powell had finally convinced President Bush that if
we aren't planning a war with North Korea, it makes sense
to negotiate. But then John Bolton, the undersecretary of
state for arms control, whose role is more accurately
described as "the neocons' man at State," gave a speech
about Kim Jong Il, declaring: "To give in to his extortionist
demands would only encourage him and, perhaps more
ominously, other would-be tyrants."


In short, this week's diplomatic debacle probably reflects an
internal power struggle, with hawks using the contracts
issue as a way to prevent Republican grown-ups from
regaining control of U.S. foreign policy. And initial
indications are that the ploy is working -- that the hawks
have, once again, managed to tap into Bush's fondness for
moralistic, good-versus-evil formulations. "It's very simple,"
Bush said Thursday. "Our people risk their lives. Friendly
coalition folks risk their lives. The contracting is going to
reflect that."

In the end the Bush doctrine -- based on delusions of
grandeur about the United States' ability to dominate the
world through force -- will collapse. What we've just learned
is how hard and dirty the doctrine's proponents will fight
against the inevitable.

Paul Krugman is a columnist for The New York Times. Copyright 2003
New York Times News Service. E-mail: krugman@nytimes.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (6529)12/30/2003 11:56:42 AM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
Patriots, profits and political pressure
seattlepi.nwsource.com
By PAUL KRUGMAN
SYNDICATED COLUMNIST

Last week there were major news stories about possible
profiteering by Halliburton and other U.S. contractors in
Iraq.
These stories have, inevitably and appropriately, been
pushed temporarily into the background by the news of
Saddam Hussein's capture. But the questions remain. In
fact, the more you look into this issue, the more you worry
that we have entered a new era of excess for the
military-industrial complex.

The story about Halliburton's strangely expensive gasoline
imports into Iraq gets curiouser and curiouser. High-priced
gasoline was purchased from a supplier whose name is
unfamiliar to industry experts, but that appears to be run
by a prominent Kuwaiti family (no doubt still grateful for
the 1991 liberation). U.S. Army Corps of Engineers
documents seen by The Wall Street Journal refer to
"political pressures" from Kuwait's government and the U.S.
embassy in Kuwait to deal only with that firm. I wonder
where that trail leads.


Meanwhile, NBC News has obtained Pentagon inspection
reports of unsanitary conditions at mess halls run by
Halliburton in Iraq: "Blood all over the floors of
refrigerators, dirty pans, dirty grills, dirty salad bars,
rotting meat and vegetables." An October report complains
that Halliburton had promised to fix the problem but
didn't.

And more detail has been emerging about Bechtel's
much-touted school repairs.
Again, a Pentagon report
found "horrible" work: dangerous debris left in playground
areas, sloppy paint jobs and broken toilets.

Are these isolated bad examples, or part of a pattern? It's
impossible to be sure without a broad, scrupulously
independent investigation. Yet such an inquiry is hard to
imagine in the current political environment -- which is
precisely why one can't help suspecting the worst.

Let's be clear: Worries about profiteering aren't a left-right
issue. Conservatives have long warned that regulatory
agencies tend to be "captured" by the industries they
regulate; the same must be true of agencies that hand out
contracts. Halliburton, Bechtel and other major contractors
in Iraq have invested heavily in political influence, not just
through campaign contributions, but by enriching people
they believe might be helpful.
Vice President Dick Cheney
is part of a long if not exactly proud tradition: Brown &
Root, which later became the Halliburton subsidiary doing
those dubious deals in Iraq, profited handsomely from its
early support of a young politician named Lyndon
Johnson.

So is there any reason to think that things are worse now?
Yes.

The biggest curb on profiteering in government contracts is
the threat of exposure: Sunshine is the best disinfectant.
Yet it's hard to think of a time when U.S. government
dealings have been less subject to scrutiny.


First of all, we have one-party rule -- and it's a highly
disciplined, follow-your-orders party. There are members of
Congress eager and willing to take on the profiteers, but
they don't have the power to issue subpoenas.

And getting information without subpoena power has
become much harder because, as a new report in U.S.
News & World Report puts it, the Bush administration has
"dropped a shroud of secrecy across many critical
operations of the federal government." Since 9/11, the
administration has invoked national security to justify this
secrecy, but it actually began the day President Bush took
office.


To top it all off, after 9/11 the U.S. media, which eagerly
played up the merest hint of scandal during the Clinton
years, became highly protective of the majesty of the office.
As the stories I've cited indicate, they have become more
searching lately. But even now, compare British and U.S.
coverage of the Neil Bush saga.

The point is that we've had an environment in which
officials inclined to do favors for their business friends, and
contractors inclined to pad their bills or do shoddy work,
didn't have to worry much about being exposed. Human
nature being what it is, then, the odds are that the
troubling stories that have come to light aren't isolated
examples.

Some Americans still seem to think that even suggesting
the possibility of profiteering is somehow unpatriotic. They
should learn the story of Harry Truman, a congressman
who rose to prominence during World War II by leading a
campaign against profiteering. Truman believed, correctly,
that he was serving his country.

On the strength of that record, Franklin Roosevelt chose
Truman as his vice president. George W. Bush, of course,
chose Dick Cheney.


Paul Krugman is a columnist for The New York Times. Copyright 2003
New York Times News Service. E-mail: krugman@nytimes.com



To: Mephisto who wrote (6529)12/30/2003 12:23:10 PM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
Halliburton Contracts in Iraq: The Struggle to Manage Costs
The New York Times

December 29, 2003

By JEFF GERTH and DON VAN NATTA Jr.

W ASHINGTON, Dec. 28 - The Qarmat Ali water treatment
plant in southern Iraq is crucial to keeping the oil flowing from the region's
petroleum-rich fields. So when American engineers found the antiquated
plant barely operating earlier this year, there was no
question that repairing it was important to the rebuilding of Iraq.
Setting the price for the repairs was another matter.

In July, the Halliburton Company estimated that the overhaul would cost
$75.7 million, according to confidential documents that the
company submitted to the Army Corps of Engineers. But in
early September, the Bush administration asked Congress for $125 million to do
the job - a 40 percent price increase in just six weeks.

The initial price was based on "drive-by estimating," said Richard V. Dowling,
a spokesman for the corps, which oversees the contract. The
second was a result of a more complete assessment. "The best
I can lamely fall back on is to say that estimates change," said Mr. Dowling,
who is based in Baghdad. "This is not business as usual."

The rebuilding of Iraq's oil industry has been characterized
in the months since by increasing costs and scant public explanation. An
examination of what has grown into a multibillion-dollar contract
to restore Iraq's oil infrastructure shows no evidence of profiteering by
Halliburton, the Houston-based oil services company, but it does
demonstrate a struggle between price controls and the uncertainties of
war, with price controls frequently losing.

The Pentagon's contract with a Halliburton subsidiary,
Kellogg Brown & Root, conceived in secrecy before the war and signed in March, was
meant as a stopgap deal to last no more than a few months.
But it has been in effect since then and has grown to more than $2 billion.

The scope of the contract includes myriad tasks from importing fuels
to repairing pipelines, and the costs have increased through task
orders and subcontracts, some of which are carried out with limited documentation or disclosure.

The reconstruction of Iraq has taken on "a Wild West atmosphere,"
said Gordon Adams, a military procurement expert at George Washington
University. "Wartime creates an urgent need, and under an urgent need,
contractors will deliver and take a price. There's a premium for
getting it done fast."

Earlier this month, Pentagon auditors questioned the $2.64 per gallon
that Halliburton was charging to truck fuel from Kuwait to Iraq, and
sought to recover $61 million. In response, company officials said
they had actually saved the government money and had put the fuel
supply subcontract up for competitive bidding. But there was little
paperwork to show that any bidding had taken place, according to
government officials familiar with the audit.


"Most of it was done on an emergency basis, very quickly, over the phone,
and Halliburton has struggled to prove this was competitively bid,"
said one government official.

Wendy Hall, a spokeswoman for Halliburton, said bids were solicited
by telephone in May because the corps needed fuel imported into Iraq
within 24 hours. But she said a more formal bidding process was done
several days later, and that KBR has provided Pentagon auditors with
documentation on the bids.

"KBR followed government-approved procedures in responding
to this significant, challenging and dangerous mission," she said.

Minimal Halliburton Profits

The estimated price of another KBR project, the replacement
of damaged pipelines over the Tigris River, also grew significantly over the
course of a few weeks. In July, KBR estimated that the cost would be $29.8 million for the job,
included in a list of 220 tasks to be completed
in Iraq. But by fall, the cost had more than doubled, to $70 million.

Both Mr. Dowling, the spokesman for the corps, and Ms. Hall said the price
grew because the scope of the project and the method of repair
had changed. Ms. Hall said the company had tried to get the lowest price
from its subcontractors. In addition, Halliburton and government
officials note that the violence in Iraq increases the cost of security
and adds to the cost of all reconstruction contracts.

So far this year, Halliburton's profits from Iraq have been minimal.
The company's latest report to the Securities and Exchange Commission
shows $1.3 billion in revenues from work in Iraq and $46 million in pretax
profits for the first nine months of 2003. But its profit may grow
once the Pentagon completes a formal evaluation of the work.
If the government is satisfied, Halliburton is entitled to a performance fee of up
to 5 percent of the contract's entire value, which could mean additional payments
of $100 million or more.


The nonpublic way in which KBR was selected for the job in Iraq
remains a political flashpoint, especially among Democratic presidential
contenders, in part because Vice President Dick Cheney served
as Halliburton's chief executive officer from 1995 to 2000.

The contract to fix Iraq's oil industry was granted to KBR by
a secret Bush administration task force formed in September 2002 to plan for
Iraq's oil industry in the event of war. The task force, led by an aide to Douglas J. Feith,
the under secretary of defense for policy, quickly
concluded that the government alone could not meet the oil needs,
members of the group said. "There were only a handful of companies,
and KBR was always one of those mentioned," said one Pentagon official.

Almost immediately, an alarm went off among members of the group.
"I immediately understood there would be an issue raised about the
vice president's former relationship with KBR," the official said,
so we took it up to the highest levels of the administration, and the answer
we got was, `Do what was best for the mission and we'll worry about the political' " fallout.

An Absence of Competition


Halliburton, a large energy services, engineering and construction
firm, works for governments all over the world. A crucial factor in KBR's
selection, members of the planning group said, was an existing
Army contract it secured to provide logistical support around the world. It
won that contract in a bidding process in December 2001.
The Pentagon has cited that competition to deflect criticism about KBR's no-bid
contract in Iraq.

In awarding the logistics contract, the Army acknowledged last year,
it failed to consider that the company was under criminal investigation
for a previous Pentagon contract, even though that inquiry was disclosed
in Halliburton's annual report.


The absence of competition in the selection of KBR for Iraqi oil work
was meant to be remedied shortly after the war ended. "Everyone
realized the selection of KBR was going to look bad, so the idea
was to compete it out as quickly as possible," said another task force
member.

But those competitively bid contracts have yet to be awarded,
and the amount of Halliburton's work in Iraq has grown steadily.

The process began in November 2002 with a request for the
company - then operating under the Army logistical contract - to plan the
management of Iraq's postwar oil industry. "In the worst case scenario,"
said Lt. Gen. Robert B. Flowers, the commander of the Army Corps
of Engineers, "there would be massive international oil spills and pollution
resulting from the fires, extensive damage to associated
infrastructure, including gas-oil separators, pipelines, pumping stations,
refineries and import facilities."

KBR designed a plan for such an eventuality, and on March 8,
as war loomed, the corps awarded Halliburton a no-bid contract to carry out
the plan, officials said.

The contract is labeled IDIQ, meaning indefinite delivery, indefinite quantity.

On March 24, a few days after the American-led invasion,
the Pentagon and Halliburton announced the new contract. The Pentagon press
release was titled, "Army Named Executive Agent for Combating Iraq Oil Fires."
Halliburton's own press release carried this headline: "KBR
Implements Plan for Extinguishing Oil Well Fires in Iraq."

Inviting Other Bids


Representative Henry A. Waxman, the California Democrat who
is a vocal critic of the Halliburton contract, wrote to Bush administration
officials on March 26 asking why the contract was awarded without competition.
Administration officials responded that the contract could
be worth as much as $7 billion to Halliburton, but General Flowers
said the bulk of the work would be open to competition from other
contractors "at the earliest opportunity."

In April, Brig. Gen. Robert Crear of the Army Corps of Engineers
described it as a "bridging contract, which would tide us over until we could
have a fair competition."

"This contract is not going to be the kind of megabillion-dollar deal
many have been thinking," General Crear told Bloomberg News.

During the war's first days, soldiers discovered only a few oil fires,
but as the war wound down, more work came KBR's way, mostly because
of acts of sabotage on pipelines and Iraq's oil facilities.
When security problems made the production of fuel inside Iraq even more difficult -
leading to shortages - the government asked Halliburton to import fuel.
It bought the fuel from Turkey and Kuwait.

Halliburton's subcontractor in Kuwait was paid $2.27 a gallon to import fuel,
almost twice what it cost to bring in fuel from Turkey.
Halliburton charged an additional 36 cents a gallon.
Pentagon auditors have said the price for the fuel from Kuwait was excessive.

Government officials have said the Kuwaiti subcontractor
was called Altanmia Commercial Marketing Company, but Halliburton has refused
to identify its subcontractors, which is a point of contention with critics of the contract.

Ms. Hall, the Halliburton spokeswoman, said subcontractors
were kept confidential "in order to ensure subcontractor safety" in Iraq. By
contrast, Bechtel, the other large government contractor involved
in the reconstruction effort, lists its subcontractors on its Web site.

Little Public Disclosure

There has been little public disclosure of how prices are set.

Mr. Dowling, the spokesman for the Army Corps of Engineers, said it is difficult
to figure estimates in Iraq. A KBR task list of 220 reconstruction projects
obtained by The New York Times gives some indication of the early
estimates and how they quickly increased.

The most expensive project on the list was the repair of the Qarmat
Ali water treatment plant, which pumps water into underground oil
reservoirs, allowing oil to be extracted. By the time the Bush
administration had submitted its budget request for Iraqi reconstruction in
early September, the water-plant repair job had grown to $125 million from 75.7 million.
The higher amount was what Congress eventually
appropriated.

Mr. Dowling said that the first estimate was based on
a "rough matrix" of pricing and that the final price was the product of "more refined
data."

"There is nothing sinister or underhanded about construction
estimates that change as the work is planned," he said. "It's the quality of the
work that counts." Halliburton officials referred questions about estimates to corps officials.

Criticism that the contracting is kept secret and favors Halliburton
has been leveled not just by Democrats, but also by some business
executives. Although the Pentagon and KBR deny any favoritism,
some executives cited a closed Pentagon workshop on Iraq's oil
infrastructure that was held in August at MacDill Air Force Base near Tampa, Fla.

The three-day conference included officials from the Coalition Provisional Authority,
the corps and other government agencies as well as
executives from KBR. The companies that attended,
according to David C. Farlow, a spokesman for the United States Central Command,
included only "commercial contractors currently working in Iraq."


Jeff Gerth reported from Washington for this article and Don Van Natta Jr. from London.

nytimes.com
Copyright 2003 The New York Times Company