Another Moment of Truth
America shouldn't be too hasty to leave Iraq.
BY DOUGLAS BRINKELY
Saturday, March 22, 2003 12:01 a.m. EST
Addressing the world from the Azores Sunday, President Bush made it clear that once Saddam is gone the U.S. "will push as quickly as possible for an Iraqi interim authority to draw upon the talents of Iraq's people to rebuild their nation." He then reiterated his commitment to "the goal of a unified Iraq with democratic institutions" and vowed to "seek new Security Council resolutions to encourage broad participation in the process of helping the Iraqi people to build a free Iraq."
Nonetheless, some prominent members of the Iraqi opposition, most notably Ahmad Chalabi, head of the Iraqi National Congress, have openly criticized the Bush administration's plan for a military occupation of Iraq. Mr. Chalabi is most concerned with the likelihood that, at least during the first transitional phase of the American occupation, U.S. military commander Gen. Tommy Franks will exclude the INC and other opposition groups from power.
While the Bush administration looks favorably on Mr. Chalabi's INC--now operating in Kurdish-controlled northern Iraq--it is not prepared to immediately hand control of post-Saddam Iraq over to an unelected body of Iraqi nationals without first repairing the foundations of Iraqi civil society and rebuilding the democratic institutions that Saddam Hussein has spent decades undermining.
The U.S., of course, has been here before. The Bush blueprint for a free Iraq is similar to the one the Truman administration imposed on postwar Japan. From 1945 to 1952, the occupation of Japan, overseen by Gen. Douglas MacArthur, created a strong foundation upon which Japanese democracy and capitalism could flourish. (MacArthur thought he'd stay for three years, but it took nearly seven to get the job done).
The first objectives of the U.S. occupation were to disarm the military and provide humanitarian aid to the war-torn island nation. This was followed by the creation of a constitution which continues to serve as the essential backbone of Japan. Wisely, MacArthur did not try to wipe out all vestiges of Hirohito's reign. Instead, he stripped the emperor of any political status while allowing him to remain a symbol of tradition. Likewise, MacArthur bolstered labor unions to provide a political balance to the all-powerful zaibatsu, the family-controlled banking and industrial combines of prewar Japan.
What MacArthur understood was that democracy wasn't made in a day, that his most important task wasn't to tout a particular leader or organization, but to let the idea of popular sovereignty take firm root. Boldly, he made sure that women were given full equality with men. He explicitly willed Articles 13 and 19 into the new constitution, banning discrimination in political, economic and social relations on grounds of race, creed, sex or family origin.
MacArthur also insisted on having "an absolutely immaculate occupation"--proving it by limiting the profit foreign entrepreneurs could take from Japan. When he smashed the zaibatsu, for example, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce bitterly complained, insisting that such measures would lead to socialism. MacArthur brushed such criticism aside. Looting of Japan, he said, was simply intolerable. The Bush administration, following the MacArthur lead, should make sure that no foreign or privileged internal powers rush in and seize the oil reserves of Iraq. Nothing will endear the Iraqi people to the U.S. occupation more than its safeguarding of these reserves--the financial future of the nation.
It took MacArthur years to rebuild Japan, always relying on the Japanese bureaucracy to follow his directives. Together, they created a two-tiered mandarinate. When the U.S. finally left Japan, the native mandarins--schooled in American-style democracy--carried on. Creating a stable democracy in the Middle East will be a more complex task. Iraq has ethnic and religious tensions that threaten to tear the country apart. Moreover, there are legitimate fears that the Turks and Iranians will seek to expand their control within Iraq once Saddam is gone. But this is all the more reason for Gen. Franks's Central Command to follow MacArthur's lead and concentrate on institution-building, not merely naming successors to Saddam.
The INC and Mr. Chalabi are also concerned that the Bush administration will not aggressively go after lower members of Saddam's Baath Party. One can appreciate their burning desire to try and punish anyone associated with Saddam's brutal regime. But any retribution must be done under the auspices of international law. The U.S. and its allies--ideally with assistance from the U.N.--should hold war-crimes tribunals to prosecute the most murderous of Saddam's cronies. It should be modeled after the International Military Tribunal, created by the victorious allies after World War II.
The Nuremberg Trials in Germany started in November 1945 and indicted 22 Nazi officials. Just as importantly, they detailed how the Germans murdered over six million Jews. The Trials, like those held in Japan, enabled the world to understand the evil nature of these regimes. Similarly, in a court of law, with media present, the U.S. and its allies should publicly disclose any evidence they uncover of how Saddam's regime murdered and tortured Iraq's citizens. The Bush administration's recent announcement that nine senior Iraqi officials, including Saddam and his two sons, will be tried for war crimes or crimes against humanity is a good start.
President Bush called Monday's deadline for the U.N. do disarm Iraq a "moment of truth for the world." But there will be another moment of truth once Saddam is gone. Rebuilding a civil society in Iraq--currently a totalitarian dictatorship augmented by a medieval clan structure--is going to be a difficult task. Iraqi leaders will be needed. Mr. Chalabi is certainly one of them. But he would do well to counsel patience to his countrymen. As President Bush has made clear, "Rebuilding Iraq will require a sustained commitment from many nations, including our own: We will remain in Iraq as long as necessary and not a day more."
Mr. Brinkley is director of the Eisenhower Center for American Studies and professor of history at the University of New Orleans.
URL:http://www.opinionjournal.com/extra/?id=110003236 |
