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Politics : America Under Siege: The End of Innocence -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: DeplorableIrredeemableRedneck who wrote (22227)3/23/2003 11:44:14 PM
From: calgal  Respond to of 27666
 
Twenty years ago today, President Ronald Reagan stunned the world and turned the conventional wisdom of Cold War geopolitics and U.S.-Soviet relations on its ear. In a nationally televised speech, Mr. Reagan unveiled his Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) by asking a simple question: "Wouldn't it be better to save lives than to avenge them?"
"I am taking an important first step," the president told the nation, its allies, other countries and, most important of all, America's Soviet adversary. "I am directing a comprehensive and intensive effort to define a long-term research and development program to begin to achieve our ultimate goal of eliminating the threat posed by strategic nuclear missiles."
The situation confronting America 20 years ago, when the Cold War was at its peak, was not favorable. At the time of Mr. Reagan's historic speech, the United States was in the initial stages of a nuclear rearmament program. That buildup was necessary to counter the Soviet Union's relentless push over the previous decade for long-term strategic advantage.
Indeed, between 1973 and 1983, the two superpowers moved from relative parity in terms of warheads deployed on intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) to a situation in which the Soviets had achieved massive superiority in these most powerful, accurate and threatening strategic weapons. In 1973, U.S. ICBM warheads totaled 1,754, compared to 1,527 for the Soviets. By 1983, however, the Soviets had achieved an overwhelming 3-to-1 advantage. In 1983, there were 6,000 ICBM warheads in the Soviets' first-strike ICBM arsenal, compared to 2,100 warheads deployed on U.S. ICBMs that were deployed in an unambiguously non-first-strike capacity. At the same time, moreover, the Soviets enjoyed a monopoly on land-based first-strike ballistic missiles in Europe and Asia; were in massive violation of the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) treaty, which prohibited the deployment of a nationwide anti-missile system; and were illegally producing huge stocks of biological-warfare weapons.
Under these circumstances, Mr. Reagan became so attached to the long-term benefits offered by SDI, which his critics immediately derided as "Star Wars," that he refused to bargain the program away in return for short-term arms-control concessions in 1986 from then-Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev. Despite worldwide condemnation, Mr. Reagan never wavered. His steadfastness eventually paid incalculable dividends. As former Reagan arms-control official Ken Adelman reported in 1999, no less than Mr. Gorbachev had confirmed to him the fact that it was Mr. Reagan's refusal to bargain away SDI at the 1986 summit that precipitated the Soviet Union's eventual collapse five years later. The "Evil Empire" literally bankrupted itself attempting to compete with American technology.
More recent events have further validated Mr. Reagan's dreams. Against an onslaught of criticism, both domestic and foreign, President George W. Bush fulfilled his 2000 campaign promise by announcing in late 2001 that the United States would unilaterally withdraw from the ABM treaty after Russia refused to negotiate its demise. So-called arms-control experts and leaders of the Democratic Party immediately predicted that Russia would react by jettisoning previous arms-control agreements and refusing to sign future ones. Like Mr. Reagan's critics, they, too, were wrong. Five months later, in May 2002, Russian President Vladimir Putin agreed to slash Russia's strategic nuclear warheads from roughly 6,000 to between 1,700 and 2,200.
In a further ratification of Mr. Reagan's prescience and geopolitical foresight, three months ago Mr. Bush ordered the Pentagon to begin deploying an ABM system by 2004. This admittedly rudimentary system will likely prove to be the first stage of a very robust multi-layered (land-, sea-, air- and space-based) system.
North Korea's relentless efforts to develop and test an ICBM capable of delivering a nuclear weapon — which it is believed to possess and which it seeks to augment — to the American mainland make deployment of an ABM system an urgent task. That danger and the efforts of other rogue states to match it confirm what a brilliant visionary Mr. Reagan truly was 20 years ago today.

URL:http://www.washingtontimes.com/op-ed/20030323-32242921.htm



To: DeplorableIrredeemableRedneck who wrote (22227)3/23/2003 11:50:15 PM
From: calgal  Respond to of 27666
 
The Paris-Berlin-Moscow axis
Now that U.S. and British military forces, assisted by an honorable "coalition of the willing," have embarked upon the necessary mission to enforce the 17 U.N. resolutions demanding the disarmament of Iraq, it's worth reviewing the pre-war actions taken by three allies, who gave the world what it does not need — another German-Russian Nonaggression Pact.
The German-Russian agreement was penned earlier this month in Paris and co-signed by yet another appeasing French state. Indeed, the participation of Jacques Chirac's government calls to mind the regrettable diplomacy of a previous French regime, which participated in the notorious 1938 Munich Agreement. Agreeing with other European powers to transfer the Sudetenland of western Czechoslovakia to Hitler in an effort to appease him succeeded only temporarily, as France later learned the hard way.
The latest version of an unhelpful collaboration between the Germans and the Russians involves the joint statement their foreign ministers signed with France's. Willfully indifferent to Saddam Hussein's 12-year campaign of obstruction and duplicity to thwart the enforcement of 17 U.N. disarmament resolutions, the three foreign ministers issued a statement "firmly call[ing] for the Iraqi authorities to cooperate more actively with the inspectors to fully disarm their country." Firmly?
This most recent German-Russian pact, endorsed by the French, sought to enforce nonaggression by pledging that the three governments "will not let a proposed [U.N. Security Council] resolution pass that would authorize the use of force" against Iraq by the United States and its coalition. It came as no surprise, therefore, that the Financial Times referred to the three nations recently as the "French-Russian-German axis." It is an apt metaphor that even Joseph Joffe, editor of the liberal German political weekly Die Zeit, employed. "The new 'axis' of Paris-Berlin-Moscow must be seen as an instance of classical balance-of-power politics," Mr. Joffe recently told The Washington Post. "This is about . . . [controlling] American power," observed Mr. Joffe, who blames the French, Germans and Russians for what he believes will prove to be the reversal of the Atlantic alliance.
In case President Bush did not get the message from the latest nonaggression pact, Vladimir Lukin, deputy speaker of the lower house of Russia's parliament and a former ambassador to the United States, compared America's determination to end 12 years of appeasement to actions taken by a "gangster." This, from a senior legislator of a nation whose president, Vladimir Putin, spent years as a KGB colonel enforcing Soviet domination over its East German satellite.
Needless to say, the New York Times editorial page was horrified. In the wake of the statement by Germany, Russia and France, the Times bemoaned that "a crippling deadlock" in the Security Council would be "the worst of all possible outcomes." Such a deadlock would "sever the few remaining restraints that have kept the Bush administration from going to war with its motley ad hoc coalition of allies."
Well, let's review who comprises this New York Times-disparaged "motley ad hoc coalition." Recently, in a gracious and eloquent letter to the Wall Street Journal acknowledging the "bravery and generosity of America," the leaders of Britain, Spain, Italy, Portugal, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Poland and Denmark called for "unwavering determination and firm international cohesion on the part of all countries for whom freedom is precious." Contrary to the appeasement pursued by the Paris-Berlin-Moscow axis, these eight leaders rightly recognized that Iraq and its weapons "represent a clear threat to world security." A week later, 10 Central and East European countries — Albania, Bulgaria, Croatia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia — declared their support for U.S. policy.
"[M]otley ad hoc coalition"? Notice anything in particular about so many of these 18 nations — for whom freedom is self-evidently so precious? Well, after World War II, the Sudetenland (see Munich Agreement above) was returned to what is now the Czech Republic, which (together with what is now Slovakia) the Russia-dominated Soviet Union (so ably served by Mr. Putin on the wrong side of the Berlin Wall) invaded in 1968, as it had invaded Hungary 12 years earlier. Poland? See above reference to the first German-Russian Nonaggression Pact, whose secret protocol divided Poland and delivered Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania into Stalin's murderous hands. (At the moment Stalin and Hitler reached their nonaggression pact, ever-helpful France was attempting to persuade Poland to accept Soviet troops on its territory.) All the other "motely" Central and East European coalition members, of course, spent decades behind the Soviet Union's Iron Curtain, suffering under the jackboot of communism.
"Gangster," Mr. Lukin? From you (and your president) — to say nothing of the ungrateful French and the opportunist coalition running Germany — Mr. Bush needs no moral direction when it comes to the use of force to protect U.S. national security.

URL:http://www.washingtontimes.com/op-ed/20030323-23355608.htm



To: DeplorableIrredeemableRedneck who wrote (22227)3/23/2003 11:54:03 PM
From: calgal  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 27666
 
March 21, 2003
Anti-war protests

Diana West

In the tense hours before military action, as the countdown clock was ticking, eyes turned to the Persian Gulf and all the world held its breath. Too bad some people kept on talking.
There was Sen. Tom Daschle, standing by this week's "saddened, saddened" soliloquy in which he declared President Bush had "failed so miserably at diplomacy that we're now forced to war." And to think, he might as well have added, after all that Iraq and France have done for us.
This "saddened, saddened" speech, by the way, is not to be confused with last fall's "outrageous, outrageous" address in which Mr. Daschle accused President Bush of politicizing the debate over Iraq. (Which, of course, was — give it a whispery sibilance — "outrageous, outrageous.") By now, it seems, the Senate minority leader has passed the point of outrage, outrage. And he is additionally, but singly "saddened," as he said, that "we have to give up one life because this president couldn't create the kind of diplomatic effort that was so critical for our country."
What hateful, shameful words. Mr. Daschle articulated neither strategic disagreement, nor respectable political dissent. Instead, he baselessly accused an American president of compromising the lives of American military men and women on the very brink — then — of battle.
Mr. Daschle also made no sense. The diplomacy that "failed" was designed to swell the ranks, via the U.N. Security Council, of the international coalition arrayed against Saddam Hussein. France will be France, of course, and U.N. solidarity against the Iraqi despot crumbled like some of the cheeses I'm not buying these days. Which leaves us with a measly 35 nations supporting our "unilateral" war effort against Iraq. If it gets any more unilateral than that, Mr. Daschle will probably say we're piling on.
Then there was Bill Clinton, arguing last week that weapons inspections never had a chance. I would agree, only not for the same reasons. These latest inspections were doomed from the start, the ex-president said, not because of Saddam Hussein's obstructionism and deception — or France's, for that matter — but because of the United States. Sending troops to the Gulf after the U.N. Security Council passed the 17th resolution in 12 years requiring Iraq to disarm "convinced everybody we weren't serious about U.N. inspections," Mr. Clinton concluded. "That's how we got into this political mess."
Right. Too bad we didn't follow Mr. Clinton's strategy — and see the weapons inspectors ejected from the country again, just as they were in 1998. Meanwhile, wasn't it Hans Blix himself who credited this same troop presence with pumping a little iron into recent inspection efforts?
Not that you want to place much stock in Hans' hunches. After all, here's a man who told MTV he was "more worried about global warming" than war. Just this week, he declared that Saddam Hussein would never actually use weapons of mass destruction because that might damage his — Saddam Hussein's — reputation. According to Mr. Blix's reasoning, Saddam Hussein would lose the public relations war if he threw chemical or biological weapons into battle against U.S.-led troops in Iraq. Even if facing certain death, he went on to say, Saddam Hussein would never resort to such weapons. "Some people," Mr. Blix said, "care about their reputations even after death."
But, why wait? I'm wondering about the reputations of the anti-war protesters. With the terror threat level back up to Code Orange, the government has beefed- up security at federal buildings, military compounds, power plants, reservoirs, oil companies, stock exchanges — all likely targets of terrorist sympathizers with Iraq, al Qaeda and other jihadist groups. Funny thing, or, maybe, not-so-funny thing: These are the same targets of the anti-war left.
As the anti-war strategy shifts "from protest to resistance," as one protester put it, Fox News reported on a list of "70 economic and other targets in [San Francisco] alone, including power plants, water systems, the Federal Reserve, oil companies, the Pacific Exchange and the Transamerica Building." The plan, organizers said, is to "shut down the financial district of San Francisco."
This couldn't please America's enemies more. And why not? Many antiwar groups are funded by foes of the U.S. government. Not in Our Name is financed by a group that not only supports Cuban dictator Fidel Castro, but, as Fox News also reported, once sponsored a group headed by Sami Al-Arian, the Florida professor recently charged with terrorist activities. A.N.S.W.E.R., another prominent coordinating anti-war organization, is a front group for the Workers World Party, a Marxist booster of North Korea's mad dictatorship. Suddenly, reports of protesters' plans to disrupt U.S. military installations, for example, fall into sinister, political place.
At Camp Vandenburg Air Force Base in California, authorities have already said they would use deadly force, if necessary, to protect the base. Deadly force, if necessary, in deadly times.

Diana West is a syndicated columnist. Her column appears on Fridays.

URL:http://www.washingtontimes.com/op-ed/west.htm



To: DeplorableIrredeemableRedneck who wrote (22227)3/24/2003 6:49:02 AM
From: Richnorth  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 27666
 
Asians despise the koranic cultists more than I do. Little do you know.

Oh, really?
Boy, you must have been smoking or shoving something up your A to come to this presumptuous view!!! <G>



To: DeplorableIrredeemableRedneck who wrote (22227)3/24/2003 7:10:18 AM
From: Richnorth  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 27666
 
SADDAM, AS EVER, IS OPTIMISTIC

Defiant Saddam promises quick victory over allied forces

BAGHDAD -- With United States-led forces closing in on Baghdad, Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein tried to rally his people and his troops with a national address on Monday in which he vowed that allied forces would be crushed and 'victory will be ours soon'.

(Observers noted that the Iraqi strongman, dressed in military uniform and minus his huge spectacles, looked calmer and sounded more in command than when he appeared on Iraqi TV last Thursday, when the war first began. -- AFP)

The Iraqi President appeared in full military uniform and seemed more robust than during his last nationally televised address on Thursday, which followed the first round of cruise missile attacks on his capital. There had been unconfirmed reports that he was killed or injured in those attacks.

He said: 'Iraqis will strike the necks as God has commanded you. Strike them, and strike evil so that evil will be defeated.'

Urging loyal Iraqis to cut the throats of the enemy, he insisted that Iraqi troops would prevail in the fight against a more technologically advanced enemy. He also made specific reference to US tactics and the recent fighting around Umm Qasr.

'Those who are believers will be victorious. In these decisive days, the enemy tried not using missiles and fighter jets as they did before. This time, they sent their infantry troops. This time, they have come to invade and occupy your land,' he said.

Turning his concern towards his troops, Saddam said Iraqi fighters were 'causing the enemy to suffer and to lose every day'.

'As time goes by, they will lose more and they will not be able to escape lightly from their predicament,' he said. 'We will make it as painful as we can.'

Saddam said American and British forces had entered Iraq's desert, where they 'became entangled'. He declared that 'Iraqi residents (were) surrounding them and aiming their fire at them.'

Taunting the allies, he asked: 'Have you found what the devil that besets your soul promised you in Iraq?'

Addressing the people of Iraq's cities -- Basra, Baghdad, Mosul and elsewhere -- Saddam warned that the enemy will intensify its raids as their troops suffer casualties on the ground.

'Be patient. God's victory is coming.... Be tolerant,' he added.

Saddam said the ground battles were going well and Iraqi troops had been able to inflict great losses on the enemy. He praised his commanders, several of them by name, saying their units fought fiercely against coalition troops.

Among those he named were the commanders of the 51st, 11th and 18th divisions, which are posted in Basra, Iraq's second-largest city.

He also said the allies were 'trying to avoid engaging our forces' -- a clear reference to the US strategy of avoiding having to enter provincial cities -- adding that 'in most cases, they are using their warplanes to attack our troops without engaging them in fighting'. -- AP