SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : The Liberation of Iraq -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: calgal who wrote (407)3/24/2003 12:20:50 AM
From: calgal  Respond to of 908
 
William F. Buckley, Jr. (archive)
(printer-friendly version)

March 24, 2003

Who/What to be mad at

As we pause, waiting to discover whether Saddam is dead or alive, attention passes to the United Nations. We begin by asking, Who are we mad at?

Forget the French. They were obstructionist and went further than merely to declare themselves opposed to confrontation. Even though they knew weeks ago that the United States had decided to proceed with military action, the French solicited redundant support, notably from Russia and China, which didn't add to the power they already had as veto-equipped members of the Security Council. French focus went from blocking the United States through the veto to blocking the U.S. from the goal of achieving majority approval. To end up out-bargaining the U.S. for the vote of Cameroon or Chile was after all unnecessary, inasmuch as the veto was promised. The French effort accomplished only the mobilization of supplementary votes on the other side.

The question to ask now is how to think through the future of the United Nations, which hangs to a considerable extent on the future of U.S. participation in it.

What happened on Monday, March 17, was that we came face-to-face with the basic architecture of the U.N. As noted in this space before, we have had to contend with nations that were given a veto power because of their status as "victorious" nations. France was a victorious nation in a sentimental way, much as one might award a ribbon to a sports contender who, though knocked out before reaching the second round, needs consolation as a good old boy who did well on the penultimate fight.

We have to acknowledge that sentimental regard is, in the nature of things, attenuated by the passage of time. We do not have a parade to celebrate our victory in the Spanish-American War, let alone our victory in the Mexican War. Whatever special regard we had for France in San Francisco in 1945, when the U.N. Charter was drafted, has no governing influence on the distribution of power in the United Nations 58 years after the end of World War II.

The United States could call for a convention to reconsider the distribution of veto power. We could reasonably hold that by standards of population and/or wealth, Germany, Japan and India should be elevated to veto power. If we thought geographical distribution now critical, we might consider Brazil or Argentina, assuming they could scratch up the money to pay dues. And, if we went in that direction, Indonesia would certainly court a vote.

Or, the U.S. could go in an entirely different direction, advocating not the enlargement of veto powers, but the elimination of the veto. We will never have a clearer demonstration of the veto's negative influence than we have just had. It may be that without taking specific action to go for a constitutional convention, we might proceed on the assumption that, for all intents and purposes, the constitution has been amended.

Nobody is going to feel bound by a Security Council veto in years visibly ahead. The queen of England has the constitutional right to the "royal veto" of an act of Parliament ("La reine s'avisera"). The crown has not exercised that veto since 1708, so why bother to take the power from her? The constitution of the United Nations can be held to have been amended by the action of the French and will go unused, in atrophy.

A third way to go is by such a resolution as was proposed by the philosopher/strategist James Burnham three decades ago. It wouldn't be a formal resolution in the Security Council, because it would involve no one other than the party that came forward with it.

Such a "resolution" would in fact be nothing more than standing instruction by the president to our ambassador to the U.N. It would instruct him not to cast his vote on any political motion. Participate fully and vigorously in discussion with other members, exchange with them compliments, threats, bribes, information, gestures of friendship. But don't vote.

That would be the signal: The United States is not participating in that part of the United Nations that exercises parliamentary authority on political questions. If the U.S. did not vote in the Security Council, over a period of time it would transpire that political votes in the Security Council were without meaning.

That third approach has the benefit of continuing in place all else in the U.N., and permitting the French ambassador to tell his grandchildren that he once exercised something called a "veto."

William F. Buckley, Jr. is editor-at-large of National Review, a TownHall.com member group.

©2003 Universal Press Syndicate



To: calgal who wrote (407)3/24/2003 12:22:15 AM
From: calgal  Respond to of 908
 
John Leo

March 24, 2003

The inevitable numbers game resumes in Iraq

Even if civilian casualties in Iraq are light, expect a great deal of attention to the subject in the days ahead. In a numbers-obsessed society, focusing relentlessly on the deaths of innocents -- and inflating the numbers, if necessary -- is a conventional way of undermining support for war. This helps explain why dozens of civilian-casualty articles sprouted in the news media within hours of the first shots in Iraq, even before coalition ground forces swung into action.

The news agencies of our chief non-allies -- France, Russia, China and Germany -- were quick off the mark. Agence France Presse may have established the modern world record for fastest print coverage of dead bystanders with "U.S. Strikes Leave Civilian Casualties in Baghdad: Official" (Thursday, 3:42 a.m. EST). The Iraqi regime, of course, is eager for high numbers. A New York Post report Friday said civilians trying to flee Basra were blocked by Iraqi troops who, according to Kuwaitis, were hoping to increase civilian casualties.

We have been through this before. On Fox News during the war in Afghanistan, Brit Hume wondered whether reporting about civilian deaths was getting out of hand. These casualties, he said, "are historically, by definition, a part of war, really." Mara Liasson of National Public Radio chimed in: "War is about killing people. Civilian casualties are unavoidable."

All civilian casualties are tragic. But Hume was asking why these casualties had emerged as a major story line. This emphasis may have reflected the usual press resentments toward U.S. forces in wartime (lack of candor, lack of access). But it also reflected the anti-war movement's success in convincing the mainstream press that civilian deaths were a big story.

A New York Times article ("Flaws in U.S. Air War Left Hundreds of Civilians Dead") relied heavily on the findings of workers with Global Exchange, which the Times identified as "an American organization that has sent survey teams into Afghan villages." In fact, Global Exchange is a hard-left, anti-war, pro-Castro group whose numbers on war victims should never be taken at face value. Many groups on the left repeatedly insisted that civilian deaths were scandalously high. But that's what they say during every war. Typical headlines included "Civilian Casualties Mount in Afghanistan" (the World Socialist Web Site) and "U.S. Raids Draw Fire for Civilian Casualties" (Common Dreams News Center).

The most publicized analysis came from Marc Herold, a professor of economics and women's studies at the University of New Hampshire, who claims that between 3,700 and 4,000 Afghani civilians died in the war. Herold, an anti-war leftist, said the U.S. military is mostly white and willing to drop bombs on populous areas, thus "sacrificing the darker-skinned Afghans." Admirers credited Herold with meticulous and original analysis of many sources during 12- to 14-hour days on the Internet. Some people loved Herold's numbers because they were said to show that the U.S. killed more innocent people in Afghanistan than Osama bin Laden killed in New York. But several analysts accused Herold of questionable and ideological treatment of the numbers: double counting, confusing combatants with non-combatants and, in the words of one commentator, "blind acceptance of deliberately inflated Taliban accounts."

Other less publicized estimates of civilian deaths in Afghanistan are far lower than Herold's. The Los Angeles Times put the number at 1,067 to 1,201. The Project for Defense Alternatives said 1,000 to 1,300. Reuters estimated 1,000 dead.

A similar numbers game developed after the Gulf War -- large estimates scaled down by calmer analysis. The radical group Greenpeace claimed as many as 15,000 Iraqi civilians died, Saddam Hussein's government said 20,000 to 50,000, and the American Friends Service Committee/Red Crescent went way overboard and claimed 300,000 civilians died. Accepted estimates are far lower. Human Rights Watch estimated 2,500 to 3,000. A long analysis in Foreign Policy magazine put the number of Iraqi civilian dead at 1,000.

Now the numbers game will resume. The Iraq Body Count Project ("the worldwide update of civilian casualties in the war on Iraq") will be counting deaths for us in what the project calls "the onslaught on Iraq." It is endorsed by Marc Herold and says it will be using his methods. Don't say you haven't been warned.

©2003 Universal Press Syndicate

URL:http://www.townhall.com/columnists/johnleo/jl20030324.shtml