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Politics : Stop the War! -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Sojourner Smith who wrote (8347)4/6/2003 3:20:51 AM
From: Sojourner Smith  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 21614
 
AGAIN: Here is the article pulled from Christian Science Monitor:

The PUK claims that Ansar al-Islam also has ties to agents of Saddam Hussein operating in northern Iraq. The CSMonitor quoted a long-time veteran of Iraqi intelligence as saying that the Iraqi government secretly provided cash and training to Ansar, in a bid to destabilize the “safe haven” and weaken armed Kurdish opponents:

Qassem Hussein Mohamed, who says he worked for Baghdad’s Mukhabarat intelligence for two decades, says that Iraqi President Saddam Hussein has clandestinely supported Ansar al-Islam for several years. “[Ansar] and Al Qaeda groups were trained by graduates of the Mukhabarat’s School 999 — military intelligence,” says Mr. Mohamed, in the Sulaymaniyah interrogation room. Kurdish investigators say they are convinced — based on other, confirmable parts of his story — that he is a Mukhabarat agent. “My information is that the Iraqi government was directly supporting [Al Qaeda] with weapons and explosives,” he says. “[Ansar] was part of Al Qaeda, and given support with training and money.”
Qassem Mohamed compared Baghdad’s role to the overt help Iraq gives the anti-Iran Mujahideen e-Khalq forces, which are known to be completely controlled by Iraqi intelligence within Iraq’s borders. Several of the group’s leaders, he says, were on the Iraqi intelligence payroll, and served as liaisons between Baghdad and al-Qaida.
Observers point out that Saddam Hussein has a history of supporting proxy groups as a way to undermine his enemies. Supporting Ansar may provide him with a way to deal with his Kurdish enemies at very little cost to his own forces. “The government does not like this ‘safe haven,’ and wants to destroy and destabilize everyone, everywhere,” Mohamed says. “They are using [Ansar] as a base to destabilize northern Iraq, and assassinate and kill people. Baghdad will never give up supporting them.”


Tell me, if you dare be honest, if that above could not be true.



To: Sojourner Smith who wrote (8347)4/6/2003 3:30:11 AM
From: 2MAR$  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 21614
 
Iraq and the Arabs' Future ( Revisited ...From Foreign Affairs.ORG , January/February 2003)
Fouad Ajami

foreignaffairs.org





Summary: The driving motivation behind a new U.S. endeavor in Iraq should be modernizing the Arab world. Most Arabs will see such an expedition as an imperial reach into their world. But in this case a reforming foreign power's guidelines offer a better way than the region's age-old prohibitions, defects, and phobias. No apologies ought to be made for America's "unilateralism."

(Fouad Ajami is Majid Khadduri Professor of Middle Eastern
Studies at the School for Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University.
)




THE ROAD TO MODERNITY

There should be no illusions about the sort of Arab landscape that America is destined to find if, or when, it embarks on a war against the Iraqi regime. There would be no "hearts and minds" to be won in the Arab world, no public diplomacy that would convince the overwhelming majority of Arabs that this war would be a just war. An American expedition in the wake of thwarted UN inspections would be seen by the vast majority of Arabs as an imperial reach into their world, a favor to Israel, or a way for the United States to secure control over Iraq's oil. No hearing would be given to the great foreign power.

America ought to be able to live with this distrust and discount a good deal of this anti-Americanism as the "road rage" of a thwarted Arab world -- the congenital condition of a culture yet to take full responsibility for its self-inflicted wounds. There is no need to pay excessive deference to the political pieties and givens of the region. Indeed, this is one of those settings where a reforming foreign power's simpler guidelines offer a better way than the region's age-old prohibitions and defects.

Above and beyond toppling the regime of Saddam Hussein and dismantling its deadly weapons, the driving motivation of a new American endeavor in Iraq and in neighboring Arab lands should be modernizing the Arab world. The great indulgence granted to the ways and phobias of Arabs has reaped a terrible harvest -- for the Arabs themselves, and for an America implicated in their affairs. It is cruel and unfair but true: the fight between Arab rulers and insurgents is for now an American concern.

In the 1970s and the 1980s, the political and economic edifice of the Arab world began to give way. Explosive demographic trends overwhelmed what had been built in the postindependence era, and then a furious Islamism blew in like a deadly wind. It offered solace, seduced the young, and provided the means and the language of resentment and refusal. For a while, the failures of that world were confined to its own terrain, but migration and transnational terror altered all that. The fire that began in the Arab world spread to other shores, with the United States itself the principal target of an aggrieved people who no longer believed that justice could be secured in one's own land, from one's own rulers. It was September 11 and its shattering surprise, in turn, that tipped the balance on Iraq away from containment and toward regime change and "rollback."

A reforming zeal must thus be loaded up with the baggage and the gear. No great apologies ought to be made for America's "unilateralism." The region can live with and use that unilateralism. The considerable power now at America's disposal can be used by one and all as a justification for going along with American goals. The drapery of a unanimous Security Council resolution authorizing Iraq's disarmament -- signed by the Syrian regime, no less -- will grant the Arab rulers the room they need to claim that they had simply bowed to the inevitable, and that Saddam had gotten the war he had called up.

In the end, the battle for a secular, modernist order in the Arab world is an endeavor for the Arabs themselves. But power matters, and a great power's will and prestige can help tip the scales in favor of modernity and change. "The Americans are coming," the Islamists proclaimed after the swift defeat of the Taliban. They scrambled for cover as their "charities," their incitement, and their networks of finance and recruitment came under new scrutiny.

The Islamists' apparent resurgence in recent months was born of their hope that the United States may have lost the sense of righteous violation that drove it after September 11, and that the American push in the region may have lost its steam. These Islamists are supremely political and calculating people; they probe the resolve of their enemies. The "axis of evil" speech of President George W. Bush last January had caused among the Islamists genuine panic. A measure of relief came in the months that followed. They drew new courage from the bureaucratic struggles in Washington and from the attention that the fight between Israel and the Yasir Arafat regime attracted some months later.

A successful war in Iraq would be true to this pattern. It would embolden those who wish for the Arab world deliverance from retrogression and political decay. Thus far, the United States has been simultaneously an agent of political reaction and a promoter of social revolution in the Arab-Muslim world. Its example has been nothing short of revolutionary, but from one end of the Arab world to the other, its power has invariably been on the side of political reaction and a stagnant status quo. A new war should come with the promise that the United States is now on the side of reform.

several more pages , cont'd



To: Sojourner Smith who wrote (8347)4/6/2003 3:35:18 AM
From: Doug R  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 21614
 
Read carefully

Who Hates, Ya, Baby?
The Baffling Patriotism of Daniel Pipes
by MICHAEL NEUMANN

Daniel Pipes waves Old Glory with an air of menace. He writes stuff like "Profs Who Hate America". He names names and asks, "Why do American academics so often despise their own country while finding excuses for repressive and dangerous regimes?" These profs, he tells us, "consider the United States (not Iraq) the problem". He's much too smooth to actually call them unpatriotic. He trusts his readers to understand that he's found a nest of apologists for terror, who turn against their country in its hour of need. His Middle East Forum also runs the campuswatch.org site, which outs academics caught in political misbehavior. He says that "The time has come for adult supervision of the faculty...". This terrifies me. Jeez, the last thing I want is adult supervision!(*)

This guy is all the scarier because he gets to testify before congressional committees, while I just get to chat with losers at the Suspect Profs Support Group. Naturally my only thought is to save myself. How can I please this man? He sounds like a tough guy about to explode: "Especially as we are at war, the goal must be for universities to resume their civic responsibilities." Civic responsibility, I can hardly remember what that is. Patriotism, too: good thing I'm an American.

Let me begin by trying to suck up to Pipes. Fortunately, I'm well positioned to do this. I supported the invasion of Afghanistan. I supported the Gulf War, 100%. That's a good start, isn't it?

If only I didn't oppose an invasion of Iraq. At least I oppose it for the same reasons I supported the Gulf war: the importance of international conventions that are much more fundamental than 'international law' or the decisions of the United Nations. The world will never have any peace unless a basic rule is enforced: you can't just wake up one day and decide to send your armed forces across someone else's borders. Iraq hasn't done anything to the US, and no one thinks it's about to do anything to anyone else. So sending troops across its border comes too close, for my taste, to just what Iraq did to Kuwait.

Well, I don't want to get Dan upset; he seems sensitive. I'm eager for him to know that I share his mistrust for lefty explanations of why the US wants to invade Iraq. We agree that it's not about oil and it's not part of some grand plan to dominate the world. After that, our views diverge a bit. He thinks the US wants to invade Iraq because it's dastardly. I think the US wants to invade Iraq because the US can find Iraq, which is more than you can say about Bin Laden and the Mullah Omar. The US rightly thinks it faces an extremely serious terrorist threat, because those Al Qaeda folks really know what they're doing. It hopes going after Saddam Hussein will make everyone forget that a few nobodies with box-cutters destroyed the World Trade Center and trashed the Pentagon, and the US is still looking for their leaders.

I'm sure Dan will forgive our little tiff over Iraq, because my views are pretty close to Zbigniew Brezinski's, who has been certified 100% politically safe by none other than the Chuck Norris of American policymakers, Paul Wolfowitz. And here's where things start to get interesting, because a lot of leftist objections to invading Iraq--unlike leftist objections to invading Afghanistan--speak directly to American self-interest. What about the claim that Iraq's weapons are all but useless except for inflicting damage on invading troops? That means American troops, because it doesn't look like we'll get much Egyptian and Syrian cannon fodder this time. And what about the claim that invading Iraq, in these circumstances, will piss everyone off big-time and hobble the US war on terror? This too speaks directly to the defense of the United States. What about the worry that the US will get mired in costly, bloody nation-building? These are pro-American, not anti-American concerns. So here one begins to wonder if Pipes is really so much more patriotic than his targets.

Remember Pipes' ominous pronouncement: "Especially as we are at war, the goal must be for universities to resume their civic responsibilities"? Never mind who died and made him Congress to declare this, I kind of agree that we're at war. I think it's almost racist to consider Al Qaeda as a matter for the police, because 9-11 represented a major military success and a genuine threat to America's control over its own territory. So yup, this is real serious, we ought to be serious about what we do. Our policies should not be determined by sentiment and certainly not by placing the interests of others before the interests of Americans.

Now I wonder whether, despite Pipes' veiled threats and patently insincere lip-service to free speech, we might possibly be permitted to have some opinions on the interests of our own country, even if we don't have a 25-year-old degree in medieval Islamic history. (Pipes thinks the profs aren't expert enough to talk about the Middle East, which means most Americans aren't either.) I wonder if we're allowed to notice that the Arab and Muslim worlds deeply resent our support for Israel, and that the Europeans tend to side with the Palestinians. Could we please also notice that the Muslim world has a hell of a lot of oil? And it seems--these calculations are tough for us little people--like the Muslim world would be a LOT happier to join the war on terror if we were supporting the Palestinians and their allies instead of the Israelis. So happy, in fact, that we'd very likely win our war, as well as more oil contracts than you could cram into Pipes' doubtless-Made-with-Pride-in-the-USA briefcase. Islamic fundamentalism itself would be in big trouble, most of all in Palestine. As for a coalition to remove Saddam Hussein, why, we could write our own ticket. So it seems quite clear that we should be siding with the Palestinians rather than the Israelis--and very aggressively, I might add, sort of like we're acting towards Iraq. We should, in other words, forge a military alliance with every country bordering Israel, much as we did in the Gulf War. The Europeans and Russians and Chinese and Japanese and, hell, everyone else wouldn't mind, and of course that trained poodle Blair would skitter along at our feet.

Notice that this has nothing to do with blaming the US or Israel for 9-11 or anything else: moral responsibility is a complicated matter and yes, Pipes, I do happen to be an authority on it. I can even figure out that the primary responsibility for the 9-11 attacks lies with those who planned and executed them. But responsibility for 9-11 has no bearing on the simple truth that US interests lie in opposing Israel, not supporting it.

Notice too that I don't allege any conspiracy, or cabal, or Jewish lobby. I have no knowledge of such things. I admit I'm puzzled by how America could be so blind to its own interests, but maybe that's because Israel used to be seen as a partner in the fight against communism in the Middle East. That might have made sense forty years ago, but today it's as rational as keeping a garlic wreath handy in case vampires bust into your house. As for Israel's value in fighting terror, or Islamic fundamentalism, or Saddam Hussein, or anything else, where's the beef? Every time we want to fight any of these things, we have to bring Israel wheelbarrows of cash, bribe it to keep its head down. Some valuable ally, huh?

So let's put our cards on the table, Pipes. Don't go all candy-ass on me and talk about blown-up babies or our moral obligations to the wonderful state of Israel. This is war, you tell us; it's the defense of America. Well then, defend it, for Christ's sake. Don't bleat. The time has come to dump Israel, hard. America's defense demands it. And if you're not with America, of course, you're against it.

The funny thing is, this isn't even callous. The best thing that could happen to Israel is for America to back the Palestinians, because only then could there be a real peace settlement. Even if you discount its small but primo-quality nuclear arsenal (enhanced by cruise missiles, satellites, ICBMs and missile-firing subs), Israel comes out so powerful that US support for the Palestinians wouldn't do too much more than level the playing field. That's what it would take to get Israel out of the occupied territories and within its own borders, so it can live in peace.

And it gets funnier. Throughout the cold war, throughout the Vietnam conflict, one could at least understand why right-wing pundits thought they were advancing American interests. The worst excesses were justified as anti-communism and indeed, as long as the Soviet Union was around, fear of communism was never completely crazy. Even assuming the government or the right-wingers were really out to advance the interests of American corporations, one could easily read this as misguided patriotism.

But it's different now, isn't it? It's not just that backing Israel damages US interests; it's that this is so obvious. You don't secure oil supplies by supporting the country which has no oil, but antagonizes your suppliers. You don't fight a formidable terrorist enemy by allying yourself with an essentially useless power, one which alienates the very states whose support would almost certainly turn the tide.

You can't even suppose an obsession with Islamic fundamentalism has blinded Pipes and company to America's real interests. He can't be all that obsessed, because he doesn't seem to mind that the US isn't helping out much against the Chechens. And even if you overlook direct harm to US policy objectives, the alliance with Israel still impedes the fight against Islamic fundamentalism. After all, by far the most murderous Islamic fundamentalists operate in Algeria, where over a hundred thousand people have died at their hands. But you don't hear America's so-called hawks calling for extensive military aid to that country--you'd think the Algerian government would be buried under a mountain of American arms by now. Pipes has plenty to say about how bad the Algerian fundamentalists are, but his recommendations concerning American support for the Algerian government are inexplicably tepid. This couldn't be because Algeria sides with the Palestinians, could it? These experts, they sure know how to send a message: "You may be fighting the same enemy as the US, but if you care about Palestine, you can just fuck off and die."

I can understand how US Presidents, badly advised, would make a ruinous alliance with Israel, but I cannot understand the mentality of their advisors. I cannot imagine why any patriotic American would want the US to get itself hated in Israel's occupied territories, let the world's most deadly fundamentalists run amuck in Algeria, and guarantee anti-Americanism a brilliant career throughout the Islamic world. I also can't understand how any patriotic American could subordinate our vital strategic interests to Israel's territorial ambitions: an anti-Israel alliance would make mincemeat out of Al Qaeda and instantly neutralize Saddam Hussein.

So let's look before we smear, shall we, Pipes? Because two can play that game.

counterpunch.org