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To: sciAticA errAticA who wrote (31449)4/13/2003 9:48:31 PM
From: sciAticA errAticA  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 74559
 
Bush ready to fight war on two fronts



Defeat of Saddam does not end US ambitions in the Middle East. The friends of President Bush have grand plans to create an American Imperium - and to consolidate their power at home

Ed Vulliamy in Washington Sunday April 13, 2003 The Observer

The last shot of the war in Iraq will be the starting pistol for two further campaigns by the administration of President George W Bush. One will be fought in the region: no one really believes America's project is confined to Iraq. The toppling of Saddam is first base in what Michael Ledeen, leading thinker among the neo-conservatives driving foreign policy, calls 'a war to remake the world'.

The second front will be the home one: unlike his father - who lost an election the year after driving Saddam Hussein out of Kuwait - President George Bush junior has also to win what former Clinton aide Sidney Blumenthal promises to be a resumption of 'partisan warfare' at home.

If he succeeds in both campaigns, he will have become the most powerful President in US history, both at home and across the new Imperium of which victory in Iraq is the first footprint.

America's continuing 'war on terrorism' aims to secure Iraq, but then focus on fresh enemies: Syria and Iran. When an aide told Bush last week that Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld had fired a verbal warning shot at Syria, the President said: 'Good'.

William Kristol, a long-time friend of Bush from Yale days, wrote in a book he co-authored: 'The mission begins in Baghdad, but it does not end there. We stand at the cusp of a new historical era. It is so clearly about more than Iraq. It is about more even than the future of the Middle East. It is about what sort of role the United States intends to play in the twenty-first century.'

When the US was preparing for war, the then director of the semi-official Defence Policy Board, Richard Perle, said one of its advantages would be 'that we could deliver a short message, a two-word message: "You're Next."'

Grand plans for continuing war are devised by neo-conservatives on the edges of the administration, but the group includes key players, not least Vice-President Dick Cheney and eputy Defence Secretary Paul Wolfowitz, regarded as the real architects of war and its aftermath. 'There will have to be change in Syria,' said Wolfowitz last week. And John Bolton, number three at the State Department, warned countries the US has accused of pursuing weapons of mass destruction - including Iran and Syria - to 'draw the appropriate lesson from Iraq'.

'I think we're going to be obliged to fight a regional war, whether we want to or not,' says Ledeen, a pivotal thinker within the neo-conservative group. The logic of the global war on terrorism - and a conviction that a democratic revolution can be encouraged to sweep across the Middle East will take the US into confrontation with other countries, argues Ledeen, since 'we are going to face the whole terrorist network' and 'the terror masters', Syria, Iran and even Saudi Arabia.

Briefings at the Pentagon now mention the Palestinian Hamas and Shia Hizbollah militias, based in Lebanon, far more than they do al-Qaeda. Hizbollah is the cover under which America would act against Syria, described by the Pentagon's number three, Douglas Feith, as 'one of the key international terrorist networks, supported by the Syrians and the Iranians'.

The Deputy Secretary of State, Richard Armitage, argued last week that moving against Syria would be a way of cutting off aid to Hizbollah, which he called 'the A team' of world terrorism.

But Saudi Arabia - with its hold over oil prices - is also coming within America's sights. 'After Hussein is removed, there will be an earthquake through the region,' predicts Max Singer, co-founder of the Hudson Institute think-tank, which recommends a dismantling of the Saudi kingdom by encouraging breakaway republics in the oil-rich eastern provinces.

America's dream of waging wider war in the region is all too familiar to James Akins, former political officer at the US Embassy in Baghdad and Ambassador to Saudi Arabia. 'If the ultimate goal [of the US] is to be world dominatrix, then she will need the oil of Arabia, from Kirkuk to Muscat,' he states. 'The ideological, imperial aim and that of commanding the oil markets for the rest of the oil era, entwine into the same game plan. If we do this, and move into Saudi Arabia, we are masters of the universe - the American Imperium.'

Ivo Dalder, senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, is writing a book entitled America Unbounded, and argues that 'the real debate in this administration is not between the doves and the hawks, it is between the hawks and the hawks'. Between people like Cheney, 'who believe there are evil people out there and we have to confront them before they confront us', and people like Wolfowitz, 'who believe we can transform these people from dictatorships to democracies. They go hand in hand during the destructive phase, but part during the constructive phase. Cheney and Rumsfeld will want to get out of Iraq, Wolfowitz will want to stay in.'

Akins was fired from the US diplomatic service in 1976 after confrontations with then Secretary of State Henry Kissinger over US aspirations in the Gulf. 'In normal circumstances, I would say there is no question of these things happening - attacks on Syria or Iran,' Akins reflects. 'But these are not normal circumstances. These people can always find some Syrian atrocity - the Israelis attack, then we attack. The dragons have taken over now; you never know what these people will do and how far they will go.'

State Department sources tell The Observer Israel is integral to plans to attack Syria. They say a guarantee to remove Hizbollah and its sponsorship is a secret ingredient to the Middle East 'road map', agreed between Washington and Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon.

'But there is one problem,' says Akins. 'Whatever makes them think free elections in Syria or Saudi Arabia will produce pro-Western governments wanting peace with Israel? They would produce anti-Western governments committed to the destruction of Israel.'

Fareed Zakaria, former editor of Foreign Affairs, believes the administration is 'wrong, if it believes a successful war will make the world snap out of a deep and widening distrust and resentment of American policy. What worries people around the world above all else is a world shaped and dominated by one country - the United States'.

A continuing war is integral to Bush's domestic campaign to retain power for another term.'When the dust settles, he'll get great credit from the American public for having the courage of his convictions,' says Ron Kaufman, who was political director in Bush senior's White House.

But Bush junior must look to the home front too. 'Now the President must show he can walk and chew gum,' says Donna Brazile, manager of Al Gore's campaign against Bush. 'He has to follow through on the reconstruction of Iraq and then focus on domestic issues again.'

According to NBC, 66 per cent support the President, but only 38 per cent support his plan for a $350 billion tax cut over the next 10 years. 'The Republicans had a khaki election in 2002, and that is what they want for 2004,' says Sidney Blumenthal, former senior official in the Clinton White House. 'They have got to prevent domestic issues dominating the presidential election'.

But, Blumenthal predicts: 'This country is going to plunge into partisan warfare very shortly. This is not simply over his absurd economic programme which will undermine the economy.

'It is to do with rolling back social programmes and social gains through the Clinton, Johnson and Kennedy eras to the New Deal and beyond. And, perhaps most important, there's going to be a battle royal over the Supreme Court'. Emboldened by the war, Bush junior may well, says Blumenthal, risk appointing hard-right judges to fill vacancies in the court.

'While that might appease the Right,' he says, 'the political impact in the country will be immediate and profound, and will dominate the summer of 2003 in politics.'

An election campaign linked to the war has begun. Karl Rove, Bush's most powerful adviser, tours the country presenting the image of a wartime leader and, connecting the two fronts, urges people - as he did at a rally in the swing state of Michigan last week- 'to 'trust the Republicans to do a better job of protecting and strengthening America's military might, and thereby strengthening America'.

Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2003

guardian.co.uk



To: sciAticA errAticA who wrote (31449)4/14/2003 7:27:18 AM
From: sciAticA errAticA  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 74559
 
After the war, can we win peace and prosperity?

Peace and a prosperous economy may be much more difficult to achieve because there’s still too much capacity in many industries. And the only battle plan that will fix the problem is time.

By Bill Fleckenstein
Contrarian Chronicles

In the canyons of Wall Street, you won't find any statues to the "gods" of speculation and technology. But if somebody had chiseled them, chances are they'd still be standing erect. The concrete Hussein is now Humpty- Dumpty, but the will to speculate, especially on technology stocks, seems at times shatterproof.

However, there's nothing like a birds-eye view of the technology business to hack away at the myths that keep speculation going. And speaking of myths, did you hear that one about the government's "plunge protection team"? It, too, deserves to come down with a thud.

For anyone who doubts that speculation is alive and well, last Wednesday's action in our stock index futures -- as the tanks rolled into Firdos Square and Hussein's statue spent its final moments in an upright position -- should set the record straight. About an hour before the open, the futures were indicating a sell-off to the tune of about 0.5%. But lo and behold, when the tanks appeared, they staged an immediate turnaround, which enabled the market to open slightly green. As it became clear the statue would be toppled, the futures started to motor off their lows. They were kind of being jammed straight up just as the rope broke on the first attempt. Next, we saw a little sell-off in the futures, followed by a small, straight-up move when the statue actually came down. That was the high for the day.

Emotional trading

What these details show is just how emotional the tape seems to be, and how it continues to respond to news in a purely amateurish fashion. I mean, to buy the futures simply because the statue was coming down is absurd. To buy and sell each and every war or terrorist rumor is equally absurd. I think such behavior points out the fact that there is still a great deal of speculation on the tape. If it really weren't so sad, it would be hilarious.

In any case, with all the good news about the successful waging of the war now discounted, the market is going to have to digest ugly earnings, and may in fact come in for some rough sledding. Consequently, I beefed up my shorts last Wednesday, and now have a modest-sized short position. My expectation is that the market will have a hard time going up through earnings season. However, after earnings season, we may get the second installment of the war rally -- that being the phase where everyone tries to make the excuse that all of our problems were related to the war, and now that it's behind us, and the bad earnings are behind us, we can embrace higher stock prices.

I am not saying that will happen for sure, but I can certainly see how bulls may try to make that case. I don't want to get too far ahead of myself. For the time being, it looks like there's a good chance that bad corporate news may matter. The burden of proof is now on the bulls.

Cold-shower counsel from Ellison

Of course, overpaying for stocks has never been a hard sell in the tech arena, and that brings me to some worthwhile comments from Oracle (ORCL, news, msgs) CEO Larry Ellison in a recent Wall Street Journal interview. I assume he had an agenda (though I'm not sure what it was), but in any case, his points in “Oracle's Larry Ellison Expects Greater Innovation From Sector” should provide food for thought for those folks who cannot shake their longstanding love of tech. "What's going on," he began, "is the end of Silicon Valley as we know it . . . The next big thing ain't computers." According to the story, Mr. Ellison believes it's biotechnology.

We are in agreement. Biotechnology is a better business than technology. When one gets a product through the FDA, it receives patent protection for a number of years. On the other hand, the technology business is highly competitive, plagued by low barriers to entry and the fact that technology hardware is, in essence, a commodity. The stock market mania of the 1990s masked a lot of these warts as companies misallocated their capital on a technology buying spree. The illusion was extended by stock-option accounting, in which companies deducted employee options from the tax bill. That enabled them to create the impression of generating lots of cash. So, in my opinion, what people saw in the 1990s was a big distortion of how the technology business really works and looks.

The interview went on to lay out this view as follows: "Mr. Ellison, sounding like a modern-day Cassandra, paints a dark vision of the computer industry's future: increasingly standardized products with little distinguishing technology and thin profit margins. . . . 'There's this bizarre notion in the computer industry that we'll never be a mature industry.’ "

I think that misconception is shared by many tech stock investors, whose admiration for technological innovation blinds them to the dog-eat-dog nature of the business. (I would just add that during the late 1990s, an understanding of this distinction was irrelevant, if not an impediment, temporarily, to investing success.)

Excess, through largesse

As the interview shows, it was certainly lost on venture capitalists who helped to unleash the bubble's massive excess capacity: "Venture capitalists compound the problem, Mr. Ellison says, with a herd mentality that results in funding too many companies chasing the same idea." Of course, when one looks at history, one can see that boom-and-bust cycles in technology are always exacerbated by money flows toward venture capitalists.

When we have a rip-roaring bull market for tech stocks, venture capitalists get more money. They then go out and start more companies, which in a few years create a more competitive environment. This smothers profits and helps to create the bust. Then they can't get any money. And so then the companies that exist can get more profitable. And then we have the boom, and then the cycle repeats itself.

That's a simplified example of what tends to occur. Of course, the mania that we had in the 1990s exemplified this to the nth power. In any case, we still have too much capacity and we will continue to have too much capacity. We are also facing saturation issues for many products, including personal computers and cell phones. And the prices of many of the securities are way too high.

Back to the interview, the Journal turned to another source, both to buttress Mr. Ellison's view of overcapacity and to propose a way to get technology back on track: "Eric Schmidt, chief executive of Web-search company Google Inc., says Ellison has correctly diagnosed Silicon Valley's challenge. He says tech is plagued with chronic overcapacity, similar to the airline industry, because of rapid technological advances. But Mr. Schmidt thinks Mr. Ellison has the wrong prescription. 'The only solution is to come up with grand new visions, which we're particularly good at,' he says."

To that I would respond, people who find new niches may have a chance to do OK. But from here, investing in tech stocks generically as they are priced today is going to be a very, very dicey proposition for all but the most nimble, luckiest traders.

Fed cannonball hits the wall

Now for a look at a Journal story titled "Fed Weighs Alternative Stimulus Plans," which ran in the April 9 edition. Reporter Greg Ip discusses the Fed's plan to make sure that the inflation rate is at a level it deems acceptable. The potential ramifications may be far-reaching, and so I recommend that everyone track this story down.

I find it more than just a little ironic that the Fed, the great engine of inflation in this country, is preparing to "fight deflation." Now I do know that in the aftermath of a bubble, it is conceivable we could see some deflation. But I continue to think that is less likely than the prospect of seeing more inflation. After all, just look at what has happened to the purchasing power of the dollar in the 90 or so years since the Fed has been around. Depending on how you want to measure it, the dollar has lost between 90% and 95% of its purchasing power, and for better than half of that time, we were at least on some variation of the gold standard. Otherwise, I'm sure the results would have been even worse.

The Fed helped to create the biggest bubble in the history of the world. It has been trying to print money to stave off the bubble's aftermath. It has encouraged a housing bubble, a debt bubble and has financed an over- consumption boom. Now the Fed is getting the drift that since 12 rate cuts haven't worked, perhaps it had better do something else, because it may not be able to take rates too much lower. It's a case of the law of unintended consequences rearing its interesting head, which Ip describes as follows: "Another reason to keep rates above zero: Money-market mutual-fund returns, after expenses, would otherwise go negative, so investors would pull their money out. That would hurt the ability of industrial companies to sell short-term debt securities, such as commercial paper, to such funds."

The fact that we have completely deregulated the financial system in the last 20 years is now threatening to complicate the Fed's attempt to lower rates to solve the problems that it believes it didn't create. Obviously, if money-market mutual funds were producing negative returns, that would set off all kinds of problems. Every time I read about what the Fed has in mind, and I think about what the Fed has done, I can only conclude that the value of the dollar is absolutely going to get destroyed.

From war fears to Fed jeers

Now that the war has basically been won, I believe the markets will have to deal with winning the peace, which will be more complicated. People will have to deal with the rotten economy. At some point, they will start to focus on the predicament that the Fed has engineered us into. Once the world really gets a clear view of that predicament, our currency will take a beating. As protection against the lunatics at the Fed, and with the war premium out of the gold market, I think it is probably safe to add to one's precious-metals position, as I did last week.

A paper trail, to no avail

Finally, I'd like to spend a minute on the alleged "plunge protection team," a.k.a., market manipulation. Lots of people think that market manipulation goes on, and that the President's Working Group on Financial Markets (created to discuss financial policy after the October 1987 crash) is involved every time the market mysteriously rises. I have a view on the subject, but the time to articulate it here in the Contrarian Chronicles just never seemed right until this week. That view is closely encapsulated by John Mauldin in a piece titled "The Plunge Protection Team," which I read last weekend on investorsinsight.com. Obviously, if this is taking place, there certainly must be some trades that would produce a paper trail. I especially like the fact that he was willing to put his money where his mouth is, as you'll see below:

"You could not keep something of this size secret. Period. The orders would have to be entered somewhere. The theory is that Goldman Sachs or Citibank (or pick a firm) is part of this conspiracy. That means that multiple traders and officers would have to be in the know. You cannot mask trades of that size because it would essentially be the largest hedge fund in the world. Someone would spill the beans. Can you imagine the signing bonus from a book publisher if you could prove the existence of the PPT? I hereby offer a $100,000 advance against 50% of the royalties to anyone who can 'show me the trades.' Give me names and dates. I will write the book, and we both become famous."

Mauldin continued: "Further, can you imagine what political hay the opposition political party would make of the proven existence of a PPT? Do you think that the Dems wouldn't love to embarrass Bush with 'proof' of his manipulation of the market? Can you imagine Newt Gingrich or Tom DeLay (Republicans) not beating up Clinton and Robert Rubin for crimes against the market and for losing billions of dollars of taxpayer money? If the President's Working Group was really the PPT, do you think every former SEC and CFTC Commissioner (and there are maybe a dozen) would all keep silent after they are out? Do you think their wives (or husbands) would not tell all in a divorce hearing? Do you really think that Harvey Pitt would have allowed George W. to fire him if he could blow the whistle?"

Of course, this is not proof positive that manipulation does not occur in the form of some nefarious government agency. However, I think Mauldin's points are the key stumbling block to the arguments of those who believe that manipulation does exist. In the 15 years since its inception, one would think that if the President's Working Group on Financial Markets were engaged in plunge protection, somebody would know about it.

Bill Fleckenstein is the president of Fleckenstein Capital, which manages a hedge fund based in Seattle. He also writes a daily Market Rap column for TheStreet.com's RealMoney. At the time of publication, he owned none of the securities mentioned in this column. His investment positions can change at any time. Under no circumstances does the information in this column represent a recommendation to buy, sell or hold any security. The views and opinions expressed in Bill Fleckenstein's columns are his own and not necessarily those of CNBC on MSN Money.

moneycentral.msn.com