SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : The Donkey's Inn -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Mephisto who wrote (6735)7/9/2003 12:19:10 PM
From: Mephisto  Respond to of 15516
 
For benefits, injured vets fight uphill

ajc.com

It was easy for politicians to praise America's
military men and women at Independence Day
celebrations -- so how come it's hard to vote for
disability payments to injured soldiers when they
retire?

The proposal, which comes with a hefty price tag,
has been bounced around for more than a decade.
U.S. Rep. Jim Marshall, a freshman Democrat from
Macon who serves on the House Armed Services
Committee, is tired of the hypocrisy.
He has gotten
201 signatures, 16 short of the number needed to
blast his bill out of committee over the objections of
Republican House Speaker Dennis Hastert.
The bill
would repeal an 1892 law that denies a military
retiree the same disability pay an injured soldier
who isn't career military receives for life.

Here's the way the complex and unfair system
works:


Take the retired U.S. Army major from Gwinnett County described by Charlie Knox,
the state American Legion's administrative officer. The man, Knox said, is still
carrying shrapnel from a rocket-propelled grenade injury in Vietnam.

But he receives less than two-thirds of the roughly $2,400 monthly retirement to
which he's entitled; it's reduced by the monthly disability check he gets. In the
intricate veteran disability rating system, he is 30 percent disabled.

Only 23 at the time, the man chose to stay in the Army since his injuries allowed
him to continue serving. If he'd chosen a nonmilitary career, he would have received
his disability check for life, instead of having his retirement offset by his disability
pay.

If he'd gotten out of the Army but gone to work for some other federal agency, he
would now be receiving his full government retirement plus his disability check. Only
in special cases do career military veterans receive both: if they are Purple Heart
recipients who are also 60 percent or more disabled. But if you're 60 percent
disabled (lost a limb, for example) you probably can't qualify to stay in the service.

According to Brian Lawrence, who works on federal legislation for the Disabled
American Veterans, the ratings aren't particularly generous.

Here's a more recent
and equally outrageous example. Army Pfc. Chris Shipley, among the first U.S.
troops to enter Baghdad in April, was hit in the eye during a vicious firefight with
Iraqis on the streets of the capital. Under the current rules, Shipley would receive a
40 percent disability rating for the eye he lost, if his vision is good in the other eye.

If Shipley chooses to stay in the military for 20 years, and barring other disabilities,
he would receive no disability pay for the combat injury that forever changed his life.

The cost of extending such benefits ranges from the Congressional Budget Office's
estimate of $41 billion over 10 years to the White House estimate of $90 billion. This
is clearly a stumbling block. But the big barrier is a cowardly Congress that doesn't
want to go on the record opposing any benefits for veterans, especially while
American troops are still being killed in Iraq and Afghanistan.


Few of the bill's 340 co-sponsors (more than enough to approve the measure) have
signed Marshall's petition to force the bill to the House floor. "Neither party is
without shame," says American Legion Assistant Legislative Director Mark Seavey.
Democratic House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi only became a co-sponsor after
Marshall initiated the petition to go around GOP leaders. Knox says he's surprised
the six Georgia Republican House co-sponsors aren't supporting Marshall's petition.
"They told us they were 100 percent behind us," he said.

President Bush, who has been silent on the issue, is tentatively scheduled to speak
at the American Legion convention in August. But Seavy and other Legion officials
say they intend to make room for Marshall to speak, too -- and it's no secret
Marshall has his eye on the Democratic nomination for the U.S. Senate seat being
vacated by Zell Miller.

He may well find a warmer welcome among the Legionnaires than our "war
president" will receive.


Martha Ezzard's column appears Tuesdays.



To: Mephisto who wrote (6735)11/16/2003 3:29:53 AM
From: Mephisto  Read Replies (8) | Respond to of 15516
 


Bush's fiscal policies of bait and switch
By Paul Krugman (NYT)
Wednesday, November 12, 2003

PRINCETON, New Jersey: Yesterday's absurd conspiracy theory about the
Bush administration has a way of turning into today's conventional wisdom.
Remember when people were ridiculed for claiming that Vice President Dick
Cheney and Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz, eager to fight a war,
were hyping the threat from Iraq?

Anyway, many analysts now acknowledge that the administration never had any
intention of pursuing a conventionally responsible fiscal policy. Rather, its tax
cuts were always intended as a way of implementing the radical strategy known
as "starve the beast," which views budget deficits as a good thing, a way to
squeeze government spending. Did I mention that the administration is planning
another long-run tax cut next year?

Advocates of the starve-the-beast strategy tend to talk abstractly about "big
government." But in fact, squeezing government spending almost always means
cutting back or eliminating services people actually want (though not
necessarily programs worth their cost). And since Tuesday was Veterans Day,
let's talk about how the big squeeze on spending may be alienating a surprising
group: The nation's soldiers.


One of President George W. Bush's major campaign themes in 2000 was his
promise to improve the lives of America's soldiers - and military votes were
crucial to his success. But these days some of the harshest criticisms of the
Bush administration come from publications aimed at a military audience.

For example, last week the magazine Army Times ran a story with the headline
"An Act of 'Betrayal,'" and the subtitle "In the midst of war, key family benefits
face cuts." The article went on to assert that there has been "a string of actions
by the Bush administration to cut or hold down growth in pay and benefits,
including basic pay, combat pay, health-care benefits and the death gratuity
paid to survivors of troops who die on active duty."


At one level, this pattern of cuts is standard operating procedure. Just about
every apparent promise of financial generosity the Bush administration has
made (other than those involving tax cuts for top brackets and corporate
contracts) has turned out to be nonoperational. No Child Left Behind got left
behind - or at least left without funds. AmeriCorps got praised in the State of the
Union address, then left high and dry in the budget that followed. New York's
firefighters and police officers got a photo-op with the president, but very little
money.

For that matter, it's clear that New York will never see the full $20 billion it was
promised for rebuilding. Why shouldn't soldiers find themselves subject to the
same kind of bait and switch?


Yet one might have expected the administration to treat the military differently, if
only as a matter of sheer political calculation. After all, the military needs some
mollifying: The Iraq war has turned increasingly nightmarish, and deference
toward the administration is visibly eroding. Even Private Jessica Lynch has, to
her credit, balked at playing her scripted role.

So what's going on? One answer is that once you've instilled a Scrooge
mentality throughout the government, it's hard to be selective. But I also
suspect that a government of, by and for the economic elite is having trouble
overcoming its basic lack of empathy with the working-class men and women
who make up our armed forces.

Some say that Representative George Nethercutt's remark that progress in Iraq
is a more important story than deaths of American soldiers was redeemed by
his postscript, "which, heaven forbid, is awful." Your call. But it's hard to deny
the stunning insensitivity of Bush's remarks back on July 2: "There are some
who feel like that, you know, the conditions are such that they can attack us
there. My answer is bring 'em on. We got the force necessary to deal with the
security situation." Those are the words of a man who can't imagine himself or
anyone close to him actually being in the line of fire.

The question is whether the military will start to feel taken for granted.
Publications like Army Times are obviously going off the reservation. Retired
military officers, like General Anthony Zinni - formerly Bush's envoy to the
Middle East - have started to offer harsh, indeed unprintable, assessments of
administration policies. If this disillusionment spreads to the rank and file, the
politics of 2004 may be very different from what anyone expects.

E-mail: krugman@nytimes.com

iht.com