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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: CYBERKEN who wrote (405069)5/11/2003 10:27:15 PM
From: Thomas A Watson  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769670
 
George F. Will: McCain-Feingold law is inadmissible

By George F. Will
Published 2:15 a.m. PDT Sunday, May 11, 2003

WASHINGTON -- A special three-judge panel has produced four opinions totaling
1,600 pages attempting to decipher the McCain-Feingold campaign regulation law
and decide if it is compatible with this inconvenience from the Constitution:
"Congress shall make no law ... abridging the freedom of speech."

This is what happens when politicians expand restrictions on who may engage in
political advocacy, when they may engage in it, how much of it they may engage in,
and what they may say. The task of squaring that policing of speech with the First
Amendment invites intellectual corruption. Fortunately, Judge Karen LeCraft
Henderson dissects the debasement of scholarship for partisan purposes by New
York University's Brennan Center for Justice. Congress and now two judges have
largely based their approval of McCain-Feingold on the Center's meretricious
"research."

Congress designed McCain-Feingold partly to impede groups, from the Sierra
Club to the National Rifle Association, from running issue advocacy ads that
annoy congressional candidates. The Supreme Court has held that ads that do
not expressly advocate the election or defeat or an identifiable candidate cannot
be regulated. Yet McCain-Feingold prohibits organizations like the Sierra Club and
NRA from spending their members' dues money for broadcasts of such advocacy
30 days before a primary or 60 days before a general election.

Congressional supporters of McCain-Feingold and two of the three judges say
most issue ads are "shams." That term was popularized by two Brennan Center
studies purporting to document that most ads are really intended not to promote
policies but to influence elections.

Now, leave aside the impossibility, indeed absurdity, of separating issue outcomes
from election results. But examine Henderson's demonstration, quoting sworn
testimony, that the Brennan Center promised the liberal Pew Charitable Trust,
which funded the studies of the ads, that the so-called scholars involved would
"design and execute" the studies to produce results helpful to lobbying for
McCain-Feingold.

Two professors had their students view ads and label them "genuine" issue
advocacy ads or "shams" designed solely to influence elections. Rushing to
publish a book in time to sway the votes on McCain-Feingold, the Brennan Center,
unhappy that one group of students had labeled too many ads "genuine," called
the students' professor, Kenneth Goldstein, on his cell phone -- he was at an
airport -- and "after the text of each ad was read to him over the phone, Goldstein
overruled the students' judgments and reclassified each ad as an ...
electioneering' ad." This sham "social science" powerfully influenced the
congressional vote on McCain-Feingold, and is the foundation of two of the three
judges' opinions that much of McCain-Feingold is constitutional.

Under that law, after ads have run and their legality has been challenged, the
Federal Election Commission shall brood about their intent. But would not fear of
an adverse ruling from the FEC's speech police have a chilling effect on political
advocacy?

No problem, according to Judge Richard Leon, who complacently suggests: Do
you find the McCain-Feingold speech rules vague and confusing? There are two
ways to be safe from criminal prosecution. Avoid mentioning a congressional
candidate. Or seek an advisory opinion from the FEC about whether the speech
you want to engage in is criminal.

Wayne LaPierre, executive vice president of the NRA, an organization whose
speech some McCain-Feingold supporters specifically said they wanted to limit,
says Leon's advice amounts to: "Ask a government agency funded by Congress
to tell you what you are permitted to say about members of Congress." Leon says
that since Congress knows so much more than courts do about issue ads, courts
should defer to Congress about abridging the right to run them. So Congress will
be the arbiter of when and how citizens are permitted to criticize members of
Congress?

No problem, says Leon serenely, because "a person of ordinary intelligence can
be expected to understand this test" -- the test between legal and criminal political
advocacy. But Leon and his two colleagues disagreed about the ads. Which of the
judges do not have ordinary intelligence?

Most legislators who voted for McCain-Feingold had not the foggiest notion of its
contents. And the three judges needed five months and 1,600 pages to discover
that they could not agree about the law's meaning or constitutionality.

When weighing those questions, the Supreme Court should weigh -- literally, on a scale -- the 1,600 pages, and should ask itself: Is not such recondite reasoning, leading to such opaque conclusions about such baroque regulations of speech, prima facie evidence of incompatibility with the austere brevity of the First Amendment?
sacbee.com



To: CYBERKEN who wrote (405069)5/12/2003 7:17:35 AM
From: JDN  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 769670
 
Dear C: Believe me, I know all the bad stuff Castro did, for instance I was an INTERPRETER for the first groups of Cubans who came to Fla. (in those days very few Floridians spoke any Spanish at all and I had two years of Spanish and one year of Converstional Spanish in H.S. that qualified me as an "expert" (gg). I was only a teenager myself but I was responsible for 20 FAMILIES. Then when I went to college my roommate was the son of a wealthy Cuban who LOST EVERYTHING. Their Villa on the ocean was taken over by Castro's troops and this former Owner of a large Sugar Company was reduced to being THE JANITOR at a Catholic Church in N. J. jdn