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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Jacob Snyder who wrote (97940)5/12/2003 1:46:52 AM
From: Jacob Snyder  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
Ba'athist minister forced out as doctors rebel

Rory McCarthy in Baghdad
Monday May 12, 2003
The Guardian

Iraq's newly appointed health minister resigned suddenly yesterday amid mounting criticism over his career as a senior Ba'ath party official.
His departure represents a significant embarrassment for the American authorities who chose him as the first minister in the post-Saddam government. It also brings another costly delay in the already slow reconstruction process.

Iraqi medical sources told the Guardian that Dr Ali Shnan al-Janabi quit yesterday morning and was not likely to be replaced. The health ministry will instead be run by a large committee on which all doctors, nurses and hospital staff are represented.

"His resignation is the first step on the way to success," said Dr Alla'a al-Shumari, 32, an anaesthetist at the Mansur teaching hospital in Baghdad. "We need people we respect, chosen by us."

As the number three at the ministry under Saddam Hussein, Dr Janabi was regarded by doctors as complicit in the appalling corruption and mis management of the decrepit health system. Yet hours before he resigned, senior US officials continued to defend him as a man of "honesty" and "great courage".

Hundreds of doctors and medical staff gathered outside the ministry last week to protest at his appointment. "Clean this corrupted ministry," reads the graffiti on the wall surrounding the building.

Dr Janabi ignored the disapproval over his appointment and on Saturday held day-long meetings with Jay Garner, the retired general appointed to lead the reconstruction of Iraq, and Stephen Browning, a US special adviser to the health ministry.

The minister, along with all the doctors and ministry staff at the meeting, was required to fill out a form renouncing his membership of the Ba'ath party and denouncing it and the Saddam regime.

At a news conference afterwards, Dr Janabi said he was no longer a party member, but he defended it. "I didn't commit a criminal act against humanity or against the children of Iraq," he said. Asked if he would denounce the party, he refused. "You will find a lot of the ideology is very, very good," he said.

Mr Browning said the minister was "a respected doctor and administrator... Association with the previous regime is not necessarily a reflection of one's character."

But Dr Khoder al-Falluji, 33, a neurologist who represented 18 Baghdad hospitals at the weekend meeting, said doctors "mistrusted" Dr Janabi.

"This is one position that all the doctors have asked to be changed," he said. "Everyone who was in the Ba'ath party at a high level, is not clean."

Doctors allege that during the Saddam regime, senior hospital administrators held back medicines from patients and sold them on the black market, pocketing considerable profits. Dr Harith Hussain, a paediatrician at the Mansur hospital, said managers who were still employed there illegally charged haemophiliac patients exorbitant prices for the factor VIII protein, which aids blood clotting.

guardian.co.uk



To: Jacob Snyder who wrote (97940)5/12/2003 6:16:06 PM
From: Jacob Snyder  Respond to of 281500
 
Iraqis welcome exiled cleric home

Thousands of Shia Muslims have welcomed the return of Iraqi opposition leader Ayatollah Mohammed Baqir al-Hakim to the holy city of Najaf, his birthplace.

Crowds of men of all ages, waving banners and portraits of Ayatollah Hakim, greeted the convoy of white four-wheel drives carrying the cleric as it rolled towards the centre of Najaf and the shrine of Imam Ali.

Sheep were slaughtered at several points along the route amid scenes which have become familiar during the cleric's three-day tour of southern Iraq since he returned from 23 years of exile in Iran.

In a speech at the shrine Ayatollah Hakim said post-war Iraq should be based "firstly on Islam, which achieves independence for us, and secondly, on free elections, which will lead to the formation of a government".

The 66-year-old cleric, who heads the Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (Sciri), pledged that "we will not take up arms against anybody to reach our objectives".

The crowd chanted "No, no America, no, no Saddam" and "yes, yes Islam".

The BBC's Barbara Plett says the cleric's return may strengthen demands for a greater Shia role in the future government, and fuel the debate about what kind of state it will be.

But she adds that while many of Iraq's majority Shia community want a bigger role for Islam, they do not necessarily desire Iranian-style religious rule, and they are wary of Ayatollah Hakim because of his close ties with Iran.

Najaf is the third holiest city for Shia Muslims after Mecca and Medina. They regard Imam Ali as the rightful successor to the Prophet Mohammed.

New administrator

Who makes up the interim government will be largely down to the new US administrator of Iraq, Paul Bremer, who arrived in Baghdad on Monday.

His appointment is part of a shake-up of the American post-war team in the country - Mr Bremer outranks retired US Army General Jay Garner, who had previously been the most senior US civilian administrator.

Ayatollah Hakim has been outspoken since his return to his homeland.

He has called for a modern Islamic state that rejects religious extremism and is independent of foreign powers, suggesting he may lead demands for an end to the presence of the occupation forces.

The ayatollah's brother and number two in the Sciri, Abdul Aziz al-Hakim, sought to ease any concerns in Washington that the return of the ayatollah may bring with it a tide of anti-Americanism.

"He believes in fundamental freedoms, clearing Iraq of weapons of mass destruction and terrorism, establishing good relations with our neighbours and that the government must respect Islam," he told the French news agency AFP.

"We are still having discussions with the United States and putting forward our proposals. We cannot judge their policies yet, we have to wait."

Story from BBC NEWS:
news.bbc.co.uk

Published: 2003/05/12



To: Jacob Snyder who wrote (97940)5/19/2003 7:29:57 PM
From: Jacob Snyder  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
Iraqis unite for anti-US march

Religious voices are getting stronger in the reshaping of Iraq
Thousands of Shia and Sunni Muslims have marched through Baghdad protesting against the US occupation, and demanding a say in the new Iraqi Government.
Up to 10,000 people gathered in front of a Sunni Muslim mosque in northern Baghdad, then marched across a bridge over the Tigris to the Kadhamiya quarter, home to one of Iraq's holiest Shia shrines.
The march - one of the largest since the war ended - shows how religious voices from the two main branches of Islam are getting stronger as negotiations for an interim authority take shape, says the BBC's Barbara Plett in Baghdad.
news.bbc.co.uk

One of Iraq's largest Shiite political groups accused the United States' new civilian administrator today of reneging on promises to support the rapid creation of an Iraqi-led interim government.

"We were talking about an interim government, with authority to make decisions," said Adel Abdel Mahdi, political adviser to the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq. But, he continued, a draft resolution sponsored by the United States at the United Nations is "clearly something else."

In a telephone interview this evening, Mr. Abdel Mahdi of the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq said his group was particularly worried about language in a draft United Nations resolution that the United States is supporting to formalize its status as an occupying power in Iraq.

Mr. Abdel Mahdi said his organization objected to three aspects of the resolution that appear to limit the role of Iraqi representatives in the new interim authority.

The first issue, he said, is the reference to an Iraqi "authority" rather than a government. A second and more concrete issue, he said, is that the resolution would channel oil revenues as well as other sources of money into a fund that would be for the benefit of Iraqi people but managed by American and British leaders.

"The occupying forces will make the decisions, and the Iraqi people will only be consulted," Mr. Abdel Mahdi said. "We think it should be the opposite, that Iraqi groups make the decisions and consult with the occupying forces."

A third issue, he said, is that the draft resolution is unclear about the duration of the American administration here. Although the resolution would be valid for 12 months, it could be renewed and extended for more time after that.

"Good intentions and friendly relations are good," he said. "But we want to hear something very clear about the sovereignty of the Iraqi people."

nytimes.com



To: Jacob Snyder who wrote (97940)5/28/2003 5:02:26 PM
From: Jacob Snyder  Respond to of 281500
 
Body Counts

The Western Media Focused on the Number of Civilians Killed in Iraq, but the Country's Ill-prepared Armed Forces Suffered Far Greater Losses

by Jonathan Steele
Published on Wednesday, May 28, 2003 by the Guardian/UK

All over Baghdad on walls of mosques or outside private homes, pieces of black cloth inscribed with yellow lettering bear witness to the thousands of Iraqis killed in the American-led war. Only if they were officers do these notices make clear whether the victims were soldiers or civilians. As far as Iraqis are concerned all the dead are "martyrs", whether they fell defending their country or were struck when missiles or cluster bombs hit their homes.

Iraqis argue that in a war launched against their country illegally, every casualty is an innocent who deserves equal mourning. Yet the few western newspapers and human rights groups which have begun to calculate the war's death toll focus on civilians.

The website - www.iraqbodycount.net - calculates the civilian toll as between 5,425 and 7,041. A Los Angeles Times survey of 27 hospital records in Baghdad and its outlying districts found that 1,700 civilians died in this area.

The bias in these counts may be influenced by the trend of wars in the Balkans, Chechnya and Africa, where civilians were at greatest risk. Evidence from Iraq suggests this war was different.

The Los Angeles Times itself contacted four mosque-based burial societies which reported interring 600 bodies of civilians, and many more of soldiers. Haidar Tari, director of tracing missing persons for the Iraqi Red Crescent, estimated up to 3,000 such undocumented burials, perhaps two-thirds involving soldiers.

Interviews I did with officers and soldiers in Baghdad also suggest the military death toll exceeded the civilian. The imbalance was not as marked as in the first Gulf war when around 3,500 Iraqi civilians were killed, compared with 100,000 soldiers.

In this war no more than 10% died in most units. The resistance American and British forces met as they advanced into Iraq was mainly confined to the first week. After that men ran away in huge numbers.

Lt Col Adel Abdul Jabar commanded an air defense unit on the eastern approach to Baghdad. "We had 250 men moving about in the area manning 57mm anti-aircraft guns. American planes were hitting us day and night. We shot down some cruise missiles and morale initially was high," he recalls.

After a missile scored a direct hit on an underground bunker killing four soldiers on March 24, three days into the war, many deserted. "We were down to 175 men out of 250 after a week," he says. On April 4 a cluster bomb landed on part of the air defense force at Doura. "It really frightened the men. A captain, a first lieutenant, and 19 soldiers were killed or wounded. You could not approach the injured because of the unexploded bombs lying on the ground. The wounded were dying where they were."

The shock caused a new exodus. By April 9 the unit only had 13 officers and one soldier, wounded in the arm. More than 80% had fled. Twenty-five, exactly 10%, had died.

Stationed at the al-Taji airbase north of Baghdad, Private Abbas Ali Hussein was a private in an artillery unit. He and 200 others were ordered to move to the capital's western outskirts as the Americans approached. Half slipped off on the way or deserted in the first days.

On April 5 US planes attacked. "Seven of our 18 guns were hit in one hour," says Hussein. "They were in civilian areas on the main road. The others were quickly moved under palm trees. Between seven and 10 of us were killed. Others ran. I experienced bombing as a child but had never been near anything like this. It was terrible."

Two of his close friends had died and he felt he could not abandon his post. "I thought I had to carry on to avenge them," he says. Military honor also played a role, plus the fact that his father was a retired army officer and a member of the Ba'ath party. By April 8, when US forces were in Baghdad, he and five others were the only ones left from the unit of 200. Like many other Baghdad soldiers, Private Hussein used to go home during the war for food and clean clothes. The army supplied nothing. Desertions in his unit were at 90%. Around 5% were killed.

One of the biggest battles took place at Baghdad airport. Adel Ali, 29, was with 950 airforce troops guarding the perimeter. There were 1,000 infantry and another 1,000 Republican guards outside the airfield. After US land forces reached it on April 5, he estimates that about a hundred Iraqis died. The death toll was 3%.

To try to stop desertions, soldiers had to sign a declaration saying they understood they would be executed. In practice, no interviewee knew of such cases. Mass desertions affected every unit including the Special Republican Guards, who experts predicted would mount the fiercest resistance. Many were members of Saddam Hussein's tribe in Tikrit. In fact, they abandoned Tikrit even before Baghdad fell.

Before the war, thinktanks estimated that the Iraqi military had 389,000 men, including 80,000 members of the Republican Guard. Iraq was also believed to have up to 60,000 paramilitaries and 650,000 reservists, though how many of the latter answered the call is unclear.

Extrapolating from the death-rates of between 3% and 10% found in the units around Baghdad, one reaches a toll of between 13,500 and 45,000 dead among troops and paramilitaries. The heaviest fighting took place around Baghdad and in a few places on the route from the south. The overall casualty rate may lie closer to the lower figure.

Postwar calculations are rough, but they are all there is since Iraqi officials kept no tally. The US also avoided the issue. "We don't do body counts", said General Tommy Franks, the US commander.
commondreams.org