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To: JohnM who wrote (1283)5/21/2003 12:48:58 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793587
 
A Funny Thing Happened on the Way to the Candidate Forums

By ADAM NAGOURNEY - NEW YORK TIMES

These forums are interfering with the most important function a candidate has right now. Raising money!

WASHINGTON, May 19 - When is too much too much?

Democratic presidential prospects are suddenly drowning in a cascade of invitations to candidate forums across the nation over the next six months. And they are responding by conspiring to figure out a way to say no, or at least to say no to most of them.

At first glance, it might seem strange that any of the nine Democrats, struggling to break out of the shadow of President Bush, would shun a camera or a microphone.

But if the campaigns agree on anything, it is that this crush of invitations has turned into a time-consuming, candidate-draining, personnel-depleting, expensive mess. And the presidential campaign managers are looking for anyone to impose order on what seems to be verging on political chaos.

Tonight, in what amounted to a group shout for help, the managers met with the party's national chairman, Terry McAuliffe.

"I have before me now a spreadsheet with, O.K., 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10," a beleaguered Jim Jordan, campaign manager for Senator John Kerry of Massachusetts, said today, his voice trailing off as he continued counting the debate requests on his desk. "O.K., I've got 37 on the spreadsheet in front of me. It will be impossible to accept every invitation."

Bill Carrick, a senior adviser to Representative Richard A. Gephardt, said: "We are getting into a situation where we just have so many of these as to become meaningless. They are a distraction from the campaign."

Some progress was apparently made at tonight's meeting, called by Mr. McAuliffe. Three campaign managers said in a joint telephone call from a bar near the White House, where they had retired for drinks, that Mr. McAuliffe would draft a proposal for a limited schedule of officially sanctioned events, which would presumably be televised nationally.

The proposal is expected to come out in a week, and will probably call for one debate a month, along the lines of a proposal made last week by Senator Joseph I. Lieberman of Connecticut, who took the lead in trying to resolve this after his own well-received performance at the candidates' first debate two weeks ago.

All the candidates tentatively agreed to abide by the McAuliffe calendar. But the managers disagreed over whether by agreeing to Mr. McAuliffe's schedule, they would still get out of doing other ones. But aides to some of the candidates suggested that agreeing to a once-a-month schedule of debates would give them the cover to say no as often as they want.

Why say no?

Well, these forums are a lot more complicated than they might appear. It is not just a matter of a candidate hopping on a plane with an aide or two and stepping out in front of the klieg lights. In South Carolina, for example, it was not unusual to see candidates show up with a dozen aides to help them prepare for, and then get through, the big night. For campaigns keeping an eye on spending, that is a lot of hotel rooms, plane tickets, meals and, of course, bar tabs.

For a nationally televised debate, a candidate spends two days out of public sight, running through practice sessions, and resting up for the big night. These days, there is already enough for a candidate to do, from raising money to hiring staff members to figuring out what they stand for. "There's a lot of stuff that you've got to do in a campaign ? and you can't spend all your time debating," said Steve Elmendorf, another adviser to Mr. Gephardt.

The more debates there are, the fewer new things there are for the candidate to say ? which means that the only things that tend to draw attention are mistakes and miscues, as one campaign adviser said today.

And beyond that, the groups that are sponsoring these debates tend to be organizations whose support the candidates want, like labor unions, gay rights groups, environmental advocates or the Congressional Black Caucus. These kind of forums inevitably push the candidates to pander to the interests of their audience, as many of the Democrats did at a government employee forum in Des Moines on Saturday.

"This is Karl Rove's dream," Democratic adviser said of President Bush's senior political adviser.

Not all candidates want to stop the interminable cattle calls. The exposure may be unwanted exposure for candidates who have the money and the resources on their own. But it is a tonic for the underfinanced candidates, who welcome the attention.

And it is not so easy to say no to a group whose support all the candidates are seeking. "If you don't go, the other guys are going to go," said David Ginsberg, communications director for Senator John Edwards of North Carolina. "Everybody has to go because the other guy is going."

From that perspective, it seems, Mr. McAuliffe's work has just begun.
nytimes.com



To: JohnM who wrote (1283)5/21/2003 4:11:40 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793587
 
Jayson Blair Talks: ?So Jayson Blair Could Live, The Journalist Had to Die?

by Sridhar Pappu - NEW YORK OBSERVER

I'm a victim!

"That was my favorite," Jayson Blair said. It was the morning of Monday, May 19, and the disgraced former New York Times reporter was curled in a butterfly chair in his sparsely furnished Brooklyn apartment. He was eating a bagel and talking about one of his many fabricated stories,his March 27 account, datelined Palestine, W.Va., of Pvt. Jessica Lynch's family's reaction to their daughter?s liberation in Iraq.

Mr. Blair hadn't gone to Palestine, W.Va. He'd filed from Brooklyn, N.Y. As he'd done before, he cobbled facts and details from other places and made some parts up. He wrote how Private Lynch's father had "choked up as he stood on the porch here overlooking the tobacco fields and cattle pastures."

That was a lie. In The Times' lengthy May 11 account of Mr. Blair's long trail of deception, it reported that "the porch overlooks no such thing."

Mr. Blair found this funny.

"The description was just so far off from reality," he said. "The way they described it in The Times story, someone read a portion of it for me. I just couldn't stop laughing."

He laughed again. It was now two weeks since Mr. Blair had been exposed and resigned from The Times. In that period he?d become a journalistic pariah, entered and exited a rehabilitation clinic, and wound up on the cover of Newsweek, smoking a cigarette. His actions stained The New York Times, turned his former newsroom upside down and called into question the future of his ex-boss, executive editor Howell Raines. The Times' publisher, Arthur Sulzberger Jr., had called his deception "a low point" in the paper's 152-year history.

But other than a couple of brief statements here and there, Mr. Blair hadn't talked publicly about what happened. Everyone still wanted to know: Why had he done it? Why had a promising 27-year-old reporter with a career in high gear at the most respected news organization in the world thrown it all away in a pathological binge of dishonesty?

Theories, of course, abounded. He was too young. He'd been pushed too far. He was a drunk; he was a drug addict; he was depressed.

These theories were all partially true, he said.

"I was young at The New York Times," said Mr. Blair. "I under a lot of pressure. I was black at The New York Times , which is something that hurts you as much as it helps you. I certainly have health problems, which probably led to me having to kill Jayson Blair, the journalist. I was either going to kill myself or I was going to kill the journalist persona."

He stayed with that concept. "So Jayson Blair the human being could live," he said, "Jayson Blair the journalist had to die."

He looked O.K., for a beat-up man of 27. He was unshaven, with a ragged beard, and he wore a V-neck sweater, a white T-shirt and rumpled khakis. His sleep-deprived college-senior look seemed to fit the environment, a dusty living room with bookshelves that offered remembrances of his past life: The Best Newspaper Writing anthologies from 2000 and 2002; books by Times reporters Rick Bragg and Fox Butterfield; My Soul Is Rested, the oral history of the civil-rights movement written by Howell Raines. On the window sill stood a Dr. Seuss book called Did I Ever Tell You How Lucky You Are? with his NYPD press pass wrapped around it.

("That's a nice detail," he later said, noting the Dr. Seuss title.)

A few feet away sat Zuza Glowacka, the tall, blond, 23-year-old Polish-born former clerk at The New York Times who?d emerged as a kind of mysterious attaché to Mr. Blair.

"We're really, really, really good friends," Ms. Glowacka said, when asked to characterize her relationship with Mr. Blair.

She made Mr. Blair happy, that was clear. They were close and they finished each other's sentences, talked about traveling together and seemed to relish their renegade status, kind of like a 43rd Street version of Bonnie Parker and Clyde Barrow.

They'd wanted to leave The Times , Mr. Blair said. They talked about it even before everything blew up. "She wanted to go write," he said. "I wanted to do other things."

But it was hard to imagine Mr. Blair wanting to do anything else. He was one of those rare people who seemed preordained to be a journalist, a reporter suffused with a kinetic combination of charm, drive and ambition that compelled his co-workers, even in the wake of his scandal, to describe him as "talented."

He'd come out of the University of Maryland?he never graduated, however, and a Boston Globe internship; then arrived, in 1998, at 23, at The New York Times. He was an intern first, then an intermediate reporter, and then, in 2001, a full reporter with all the privileges.

Through his rise, he made mistakes?a lot of them. Most, he said, were the result of the usual forces: bad information from the police, deadline pressure. And yet Mr. Blair felt that he deserved to keep on climbing. He grew frustrated with the metro grind, and admitted he became a problem in the newsroom. He claimed he was assigned to "idiot" editors and, as a result, "began to act out." He started being frequently absent and unavailable, he said, in a "misguided attempt to punish them."

But there was something else. Mr. Blair was abusing alcohol and doing drugs?cocaine, to be specific. Those started becoming a much bigger impediment than his anger about his editors. The drugs impacted his work. He referred to one of the bigger corrections made to his work?a 277-word note that appeared following his account of a post?Sept. 11 rock concert.

"I was drunk on assignment," Mr. Blair said.

Colleagues noticed him falling apart. Mr. Blair did not hide his torment well. In January 2002, he checked himself into the Realization Center, a clinic in Manhattan, where he spent six hours a day for two weeks.

"Drugs and alcohol were definitely a part of my self-medication," he said. He characterized himself as a "former total cokehead."

But he said he didn?t know what drove him to it.

"Is the problem the substance you pick up, or do you pick up the substance because of the environment you?re in?" Mr. Blair asked. "Was I too young? For a newspaper reporter?s job at a great newspaper, maybe not. Was I too young for a snake pit like that? Maybe."

And he said there were other factors.

"Anyone who tells you that my race didn?t play a role in my career at The New York Times is lying to you," Mr. Blair said. "Both racial preferences and racism played a role. And I would argue that they didn?t balance each other out. Racism had much more of an impact."

Mr. Blair had many opinions about racism at The New York Times. For one thing, he said, "there are senior managers at The New York Times who want African-American reporters to succeed, and there are hundreds of white junior managers who resent that and don?t."

And he also said: "There are a lot of people who are not racist. But there are a lot who are. I have anecdotes upon anecdotes upon anecdotes that I?m not going to share. A book full of anecdotes."

But as far as the theory that Mr. Blair got away with what he did due to the fact that he was an affirmative-action hire, Mr. Blair disagreed with that. He disagreed that he was an example of someone who?d been brought aboard without earning it, coddled more than he should have been, and that this?his pack of lies?was the product.

That assertion made Mr. Blair angry. Being black at The Times "hurts you as much as it helps you," he said. It infuriated him that he was being compared to Stephen Glass, the white, ex?New Republic fraud who has just published a novel, The Fabulist , about his own nonfiction fictions. Because in his tortured, roller-coaster mind, you could call him a liar, but you could not call him unworthy.

"I don?t understand why I am the bumbling affirmative-action hire when Stephen Glass is this brilliant whiz kid, when from my perspective?and I know I shouldn?t be saying this?I fooled some of the most brilliant people in journalism," he said. "He [Glass] is so brilliant, and yet somehow I?m an affirmative-action hire. They?re all so smart, but I was sitting right under their nose fooling them."

Mr. Blair continued: "If they?re all so brilliant and I?m such an affirmative-action hire, how come they didn?t catch me?"

They did catch him, finally. Assigned to visit the mother of a missing U.S. servicewoman in Texas, he had not gone to Texas at all. Instead, for his April 26 Times account, he lifted details from an April 18 San Antonio Express-News story by Macarena Hernandez?a former Times intern Mr. Blair once knew.

While "writing" the piece, Mr. Blair said he experienced "numb, blank" thoughts like "I don?t want to be getting on a plane for The New York Times" and "How long would it take them to catch me?"

But the serious deception had begun much earlier, when Mr. Blair was tapped as one of the eight reporters sent to Washington, D.C., to cover the Maryland sniper shootings. There, he broke news prodigiously, and controversially, most notably in an Oct. 30 story in which he wrote that U.S. Attorney Thomas DiBiagio had interrupted the interrogation of the sniper suspect John Muhammad at the behest of the White House. Then in another piece on Dec. 22, in which he wrote that DNA evidence had ruled out Mr. Muhammad as the primary shooter. The validity of both pieces came under scrutiny and repudiation immediately afterward. Currently, the U.S. Attorney?s office has launched a fraud inquiry against Mr. Blair.

Mr. Blair said he stuck to the truth of his initial sniper coverage, the interrogation story in particular.

"It?s true that five people told me it," Mr. Blair said. "I got that scoop, some other scoops. Just good stuff. But at some point, the allure of proving myself to The New York Times wore off. And I was back to where I was before: angry."

None of his deceptions, he said, was planned. Nor, he said, was he conscious of what was going on while it was happening. He said that before January 2003, which he deemed his "last run at The Times," he fudged things "maybe less than five times." A lifted Washington Post quote came to mind here. Maybe some Associated Press stuff. A story on the Ku Klux Klan written during his internship at the Globe.

"I will argue that no one will find in my career anything like between January and March and January and April of this year," Mr. Blair said. "It?s simply not there."

The Times disagrees. According to its own May 11 investigation, by November 2002, Mr. Blair was "fabricating quotations and scenes, undetected." But in 2003, he would file stories from places he never was?from Bethesda, Md., and Cleveland, Ohio, from West Virginia and Texas.

It was pathological. Had Mr. Blair wanted to get caught?

"God knows, after the [Texas] story ran and before the first call came in, I knew," he said. "It became much clearer to me. At that point I didn?t even know I was going to get caught, because I really did not want to be there. I really didn?t."

From the day the scandal over his reporting broke, Mr. Blair?s career has been intertwined with those of two men at The Times : executive editor Howell Raines, and his managing editor, Gerald Boyd. Various news accounts have suggested that Mr. Raines and Mr. Boyd used their power to protect Mr. Blair, ignoring the advice of subordinate editors who cautioned them against promoting the young reporter. Race has been injected into this allegation, too. Mr. Boyd is an African-American, and Mr. Raines addressed his own role at a May 14 meeting of the Times staff, saying that "you have a right to ask if I, as a white man from Alabama with those convictions, gave him one chance too many ?. When I look into my heart for the truth of the matter, the answer is yes."

"Howell and Gerald have certainly had their problems," Mr. Blair said. "But using me against them is kind of unfair. Because what I?m a symbol of is what?s wrong with The New York Times?and what?s been wrong with The New York Times for a long time."

Mr. Blair called characterizations of himself as a Howell Raines favorite "kind of funny." Though his status rose when Mr. Raines became executive editor in September 2001, Mr. Blair said he felt more at ease during the tenure of his predecessor, Joseph Lelyveld.

"I identify much more with the old guard than I do the new guard," he said. Still, he had empathy for his ex-boss.

"Generally, I felt like Howell did what he had to do," Mr. Blair said. "I feel bad for the situation he?s in. But I think a lot of it is by his own hand. He is a good man. He is well-intentioned.

"Maybe it?ll make him a little mature," he said. He broke out into laughter, stomping his foot on the ground. "That?s coming from me!"

Mr. Blair said that as his errors and newsroom problems piled up, he received no special treatment from Mr. Raines, and especially not from Mr. Boyd. He said that Mr. Boyd?whom he nominated as journalist of the year for the National Association of Black Journalists in 2001?was actually his "antagonist." He said Mr. Boyd tried to block his summer 2002 move to the sports department after everyone else had signed off on it. Then, he said, Mr. Boyd questioned his promotion to the national desk.

"I don?t particularly like Gerald," Mr. Blair said. "To suggest he was my mentor is not a fair characterization; it?s an assumption based on race that?s silly. And I don?t like him! How did Gerald become my mentor?"

Mr. Blair was asked if Mr. Boyd had ever protected him, as people at The Times had suggested.

"Bullshit!" Mr. Blair said, raising his voice. "Protected my ass. I spent days in the smoking room. Days of my life in the smoking room, complaining about how I wasn?t protected. Protected by whom? Was it Gerald, who was constantly trying to block me at every turn? Was it Howell, who didn?t know me? Was it Lelyveld, who didn?t care? Was it Bill Keller [the former managing editor], who didn?t give a shit? Which one was it? Was it Soma [Soma Golden Behr, an assistant managing editor], who only cares about pretty Jewish girls at The New York Times? Which one was protecting me? Mike Oreskes? Who? Al Siegal, who doesn?t speak to people?"

A spokeswoman for The Times , Catherine Mathis, said the paper would have no comment on Mr. Blair?s remarks. "We?re not going to do any interviews regarding the Jayson Blair interview," she said.

Mr. Blair did give measured praise to metropolitan editor Jonathan Landman, the person who repeatedly questioned Mr. Blair?s reporting and accuracy and his moves within the paper.

Mr. Blair called Mr. Landman an "honest, honorable, misguided man."

"He wants to believe that we live in a meritocracy simply because he follows a meritocracy," Mr. Blair said. "He is unwilling to believe that there are people who work under him who are racist. And because he can?t make that compensation or that judgment, his actions, for an honorable man, come widely off the mark. Hewas among the people who helped save my life?but I also recognize him for what he is, and he?s misguided. He?s convinced that because Jon Landman doesn?t think race is a factor in anything, that the editors who work for him do not use race.

"I don?t want to go into the specifics of alleging X, Y or Z, but it?s not just in my regard," Mr. Blair continued. "It?s every black reporter, except for a handful that are protected."

Informed of Mr. Blair?s comments, Mr. Landman said: "For him to call these people racist is extraordinary. These were the same people who tried to save his life when he was as destructive as anyone I?ve ever seen in the newsroom."

Following days of meetings with Times executives the week of April 27, Mr. Blair resigned on May 1. Ms. Glowacka, who said she had been unaware of Mr. Blair?s misdeeds and had been lied to even as the higher-ups were interrogating him, said she received a call from Mr. Boyd telling her to "leave and be with him, look after him."

"After that, I was his baby-sitter, his suicide watcher," Ms. Glowacka said. "Whatever it was." She said she later quit after it became apparent that, given the kind of attention she?d received and the false rumors surrounding her, (Ms. Glowacka, whose parents were friends of Mr. Raines? wife, was recommended by Mr. Raines for her job, but said she and Mr. Blair did not exploit that relationship) she?d no longer be comfortable back at the paper.

That day, Mr. Blair said he returned to the Realization Center, where he was told that he needed to check himself into some sort of hospital. He chose Silver Hill in New Canaan, Conn., he said, where at last he?d admitted to others the extent of his misdeeds.

He stayed six days, Mr. Blair said, adding that his leaving wasn?t against medical advice. He hadn?t slipped back into drugs, he said, and received "meds" for the first time. The doctor, he said, told him he wasn?t having a psychological episode. They told him to stay on the medication and keep away from the press.

This is Mr. Blair?s new life: going to therapy three times a week. Refuting some claims, confirming others. (In a conversation, Thomas Blair, Jayson?s father, backed up his son?s claims at The Times that [Thomas Blair] had worked for NASA in the early 1980?s and had had a cousin on Illinois? death row.)

Mr. Blair said he also planned to write a book. He knew such a prospect angered his former colleagues, who felt he would be cashing in on a betrayal. And he resented the paper?s internal investigation. "My reaction to the Times story? I definitely feel sad for my role in the problems they?re having now, and what it?s done to my former colleagues?but I felt they did it to themselves. The Times did it to itself by writing a story that tried to put the blame on one man?s shoulders without examining how the institution would allow that to happen. On its face, a story like that?s not credible, and everyone?s naturally jumped on it.

"As much as I feel guilt for my role in it, I don?t feel bad for The Times ? position. I need time to cool my anger, and they need time to cool their anger, too," Mr. Blair said. "Most of them are also upset that I?m planning on writing, because they think I need to focus on myself. The only way I can do that is if they start paying my bills for me."

But Mr. Blair said he?d already begun to write. He saw his story as "a cautionary tale for anyone in a job who?s self-destructing right now." He called the writing process "very therapeutic."

"For the first time, I?m writing down the series of lies, and it?s made me realize: I did do this," Mr. Blair said.

Believe it or not, Mr. Blair added, his life was better.

"It?s hard in a lot of ways, but I think about where I would be now," he said. He meant if he hadn?t gotten caught. He nodded to Ms. Glowacka. "She would be sitting behind some desk not writing, and I would be pretending to be traveling across the country, really getting depressed in my apartment.

"It?s got to be better," Mr. Blair said, slouched in the butterfly chair. "It?s going to work out for me."

He got up. On the nearby coffee table was a copy of A Million Little Pieces , the memoir by the self-rehabilitated drug addict, James Frey. Sticking from it was a business card, which he took out. It said: JAYSON BLAIR, Reporter. Then: The New York Times.

Jayson Blair looked at it. "This is my new bookmark," he said.
www2.observer.com



To: JohnM who wrote (1283)5/21/2003 4:12:21 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793587
 
Jayson Blair Talks: "So Jayson Blair Could Live, The Journalist Had to Die"

by Sridhar Pappu - NEW YORK OBSERVER

I'm a victim!

"That was my favorite," Jayson Blair said. It was the morning of Monday, May 19, and the disgraced former New York Times reporter was curled in a butterfly chair in his sparsely furnished Brooklyn apartment. He was eating a bagel and talking about one of his many fabricated stories,his March 27 account, datelined Palestine, W.Va., of Pvt. Jessica Lynch's family's reaction to their daughter?s liberation in Iraq.

Mr. Blair hadn't gone to Palestine, W.Va. He'd filed from Brooklyn, N.Y. As he'd done before, he cobbled facts and details from other places and made some parts up. He wrote how Private Lynch's father had "choked up as he stood on the porch here overlooking the tobacco fields and cattle pastures."

That was a lie. In The Times' lengthy May 11 account of Mr. Blair's long trail of deception, it reported that "the porch overlooks no such thing."

Mr. Blair found this funny.

"The description was just so far off from reality," he said. "The way they described it in The Times story, someone read a portion of it for me. I just couldn't stop laughing."

He laughed again. It was now two weeks since Mr. Blair had been exposed and resigned from The Times. In that period he?d become a journalistic pariah, entered and exited a rehabilitation clinic, and wound up on the cover of Newsweek, smoking a cigarette. His actions stained The New York Times, turned his former newsroom upside down and called into question the future of his ex-boss, executive editor Howell Raines. The Times' publisher, Arthur Sulzberger Jr., had called his deception "a low point" in the paper's 152-year history.

But other than a couple of brief statements here and there, Mr. Blair hadn't talked publicly about what happened. Everyone still wanted to know: Why had he done it? Why had a promising 27-year-old reporter with a career in high gear at the most respected news organization in the world thrown it all away in a pathological binge of dishonesty?

Theories, of course, abounded. He was too young. He'd been pushed too far. He was a drunk; he was a drug addict; he was depressed.

These theories were all partially true, he said.

"I was young at The New York Times," said Mr. Blair. "I under a lot of pressure. I was black at The New York Times , which is something that hurts you as much as it helps you. I certainly have health problems, which probably led to me having to kill Jayson Blair, the journalist. I was either going to kill myself or I was going to kill the journalist persona."

He stayed with that concept. "So Jayson Blair the human being could live," he said, "Jayson Blair the journalist had to die."

He looked O.K., for a beat-up man of 27. He was unshaven, with a ragged beard, and he wore a V-neck sweater, a white T-shirt and rumpled khakis. His sleep-deprived college-senior look seemed to fit the environment, a dusty living room with bookshelves that offered remembrances of his past life: The Best Newspaper Writing anthologies from 2000 and 2002; books by Times reporters Rick Bragg and Fox Butterfield; My Soul Is Rested, the oral history of the civil-rights movement written by Howell Raines. On the window sill stood a Dr. Seuss book called Did I Ever Tell You How Lucky You Are? with his NYPD press pass wrapped around it.

("That's a nice detail," he later said, noting the Dr. Seuss title.)

A few feet away sat Zuza Glowacka, the tall, blond, 23-year-old Polish-born former clerk at The New York Times who?d emerged as a kind of mysterious attaché to Mr. Blair.

"We're really, really, really good friends," Ms. Glowacka said, when asked to characterize her relationship with Mr. Blair.

She made Mr. Blair happy, that was clear. They were close and they finished each other's sentences, talked about traveling together and seemed to relish their renegade status, kind of like a 43rd Street version of Bonnie Parker and Clyde Barrow.

They'd wanted to leave The Times , Mr. Blair said. They talked about it even before everything blew up. "She wanted to go write," he said. "I wanted to do other things."

But it was hard to imagine Mr. Blair wanting to do anything else. He was one of those rare people who seemed preordained to be a journalist, a reporter suffused with a kinetic combination of charm, drive and ambition that compelled his co-workers, even in the wake of his scandal, to describe him as "talented."

He'd come out of the University of Maryland?he never graduated, however, and a Boston Globe internship; then arrived, in 1998, at 23, at The New York Times. He was an intern first, then an intermediate reporter, and then, in 2001, a full reporter with all the privileges.

Through his rise, he made mistakes?a lot of them. Most, he said, were the result of the usual forces: bad information from the police, deadline pressure. And yet Mr. Blair felt that he deserved to keep on climbing. He grew frustrated with the metro grind, and admitted he became a problem in the newsroom. He claimed he was assigned to "idiot" editors and, as a result, "began to act out." He started being frequently absent and unavailable, he said, in a "misguided attempt to punish them."

But there was something else. Mr. Blair was abusing alcohol and doing drugs?cocaine, to be specific. Those started becoming a much bigger impediment than his anger about his editors. The drugs impacted his work. He referred to one of the bigger corrections made to his work?a 277-word note that appeared following his account of a post?Sept. 11 rock concert.

"I was drunk on assignment," Mr. Blair said.

Colleagues noticed him falling apart. Mr. Blair did not hide his torment well. In January 2002, he checked himself into the Realization Center, a clinic in Manhattan, where he spent six hours a day for two weeks.

"Drugs and alcohol were definitely a part of my self-medication," he said. He characterized himself as a "former total cokehead."

But he said he didn?t know what drove him to it.

"Is the problem the substance you pick up, or do you pick up the substance because of the environment you?re in?" Mr. Blair asked. "Was I too young? For a newspaper reporter?s job at a great newspaper, maybe not. Was I too young for a snake pit like that? Maybe."

And he said there were other factors.

"Anyone who tells you that my race didn?t play a role in my career at The New York Times is lying to you," Mr. Blair said. "Both racial preferences and racism played a role. And I would argue that they didn?t balance each other out. Racism had much more of an impact."

Mr. Blair had many opinions about racism at The New York Times. For one thing, he said, "there are senior managers at The New York Times who want African-American reporters to succeed, and there are hundreds of white junior managers who resent that and don?t."

And he also said: "There are a lot of people who are not racist. But there are a lot who are. I have anecdotes upon anecdotes upon anecdotes that I?m not going to share. A book full of anecdotes."

But as far as the theory that Mr. Blair got away with what he did due to the fact that he was an affirmative-action hire, Mr. Blair disagreed with that. He disagreed that he was an example of someone who?d been brought aboard without earning it, coddled more than he should have been, and that this?his pack of lies?was the product.

That assertion made Mr. Blair angry. Being black at The Times "hurts you as much as it helps you," he said. It infuriated him that he was being compared to Stephen Glass, the white, ex?New Republic fraud who has just published a novel, The Fabulist , about his own nonfiction fictions. Because in his tortured, roller-coaster mind, you could call him a liar, but you could not call him unworthy.

"I don?t understand why I am the bumbling affirmative-action hire when Stephen Glass is this brilliant whiz kid, when from my perspective?and I know I shouldn?t be saying this?I fooled some of the most brilliant people in journalism," he said. "He [Glass] is so brilliant, and yet somehow I?m an affirmative-action hire. They?re all so smart, but I was sitting right under their nose fooling them."

Mr. Blair continued: "If they?re all so brilliant and I?m such an affirmative-action hire, how come they didn?t catch me?"

They did catch him, finally. Assigned to visit the mother of a missing U.S. servicewoman in Texas, he had not gone to Texas at all. Instead, for his April 26 Times account, he lifted details from an April 18 San Antonio Express-News story by Macarena Hernandez?a former Times intern Mr. Blair once knew.

While "writing" the piece, Mr. Blair said he experienced "numb, blank" thoughts like "I don?t want to be getting on a plane for The New York Times" and "How long would it take them to catch me?"

But the serious deception had begun much earlier, when Mr. Blair was tapped as one of the eight reporters sent to Washington, D.C., to cover the Maryland sniper shootings. There, he broke news prodigiously, and controversially, most notably in an Oct. 30 story in which he wrote that U.S. Attorney Thomas DiBiagio had interrupted the interrogation of the sniper suspect John Muhammad at the behest of the White House. Then in another piece on Dec. 22, in which he wrote that DNA evidence had ruled out Mr. Muhammad as the primary shooter. The validity of both pieces came under scrutiny and repudiation immediately afterward. Currently, the U.S. Attorney?s office has launched a fraud inquiry against Mr. Blair.

Mr. Blair said he stuck to the truth of his initial sniper coverage, the interrogation story in particular.

"It?s true that five people told me it," Mr. Blair said. "I got that scoop, some other scoops. Just good stuff. But at some point, the allure of proving myself to The New York Times wore off. And I was back to where I was before: angry."

None of his deceptions, he said, was planned. Nor, he said, was he conscious of what was going on while it was happening. He said that before January 2003, which he deemed his "last run at The Times," he fudged things "maybe less than five times." A lifted Washington Post quote came to mind here. Maybe some Associated Press stuff. A story on the Ku Klux Klan written during his internship at the Globe.

"I will argue that no one will find in my career anything like between January and March and January and April of this year," Mr. Blair said. "It?s simply not there."

The Times disagrees. According to its own May 11 investigation, by November 2002, Mr. Blair was "fabricating quotations and scenes, undetected." But in 2003, he would file stories from places he never was?from Bethesda, Md., and Cleveland, Ohio, from West Virginia and Texas.

It was pathological. Had Mr. Blair wanted to get caught?

"God knows, after the [Texas] story ran and before the first call came in, I knew," he said. "It became much clearer to me. At that point I didn?t even know I was going to get caught, because I really did not want to be there. I really didn?t."

From the day the scandal over his reporting broke, Mr. Blair?s career has been intertwined with those of two men at The Times : executive editor Howell Raines, and his managing editor, Gerald Boyd. Various news accounts have suggested that Mr. Raines and Mr. Boyd used their power to protect Mr. Blair, ignoring the advice of subordinate editors who cautioned them against promoting the young reporter. Race has been injected into this allegation, too. Mr. Boyd is an African-American, and Mr. Raines addressed his own role at a May 14 meeting of the Times staff, saying that "you have a right to ask if I, as a white man from Alabama with those convictions, gave him one chance too many ?. When I look into my heart for the truth of the matter, the answer is yes."

"Howell and Gerald have certainly had their problems," Mr. Blair said. "But using me against them is kind of unfair. Because what I?m a symbol of is what?s wrong with The New York Times?and what?s been wrong with The New York Times for a long time."

Mr. Blair called characterizations of himself as a Howell Raines favorite "kind of funny." Though his status rose when Mr. Raines became executive editor in September 2001, Mr. Blair said he felt more at ease during the tenure of his predecessor, Joseph Lelyveld.

"I identify much more with the old guard than I do the new guard," he said. Still, he had empathy for his ex-boss.

"Generally, I felt like Howell did what he had to do," Mr. Blair said. "I feel bad for the situation he?s in. But I think a lot of it is by his own hand. He is a good man. He is well-intentioned.

"Maybe it?ll make him a little mature," he said. He broke out into laughter, stomping his foot on the ground. "That?s coming from me!"

Mr. Blair said that as his errors and newsroom problems piled up, he received no special treatment from Mr. Raines, and especially not from Mr. Boyd. He said that Mr. Boyd?whom he nominated as journalist of the year for the National Association of Black Journalists in 2001?was actually his "antagonist." He said Mr. Boyd tried to block his summer 2002 move to the sports department after everyone else had signed off on it. Then, he said, Mr. Boyd questioned his promotion to the national desk.

"I don?t particularly like Gerald," Mr. Blair said. "To suggest he was my mentor is not a fair characterization; it?s an assumption based on race that?s silly. And I don?t like him! How did Gerald become my mentor?"

Mr. Blair was asked if Mr. Boyd had ever protected him, as people at The Times had suggested.

"Bullshit!" Mr. Blair said, raising his voice. "Protected my ass. I spent days in the smoking room. Days of my life in the smoking room, complaining about how I wasn?t protected. Protected by whom? Was it Gerald, who was constantly trying to block me at every turn? Was it Howell, who didn?t know me? Was it Lelyveld, who didn?t care? Was it Bill Keller [the former managing editor], who didn?t give a shit? Which one was it? Was it Soma [Soma Golden Behr, an assistant managing editor], who only cares about pretty Jewish girls at The New York Times? Which one was protecting me? Mike Oreskes? Who? Al Siegal, who doesn?t speak to people?"

A spokeswoman for The Times , Catherine Mathis, said the paper would have no comment on Mr. Blair?s remarks. "We?re not going to do any interviews regarding the Jayson Blair interview," she said.

Mr. Blair did give measured praise to metropolitan editor Jonathan Landman, the person who repeatedly questioned Mr. Blair?s reporting and accuracy and his moves within the paper.

Mr. Blair called Mr. Landman an "honest, honorable, misguided man."

"He wants to believe that we live in a meritocracy simply because he follows a meritocracy," Mr. Blair said. "He is unwilling to believe that there are people who work under him who are racist. And because he can?t make that compensation or that judgment, his actions, for an honorable man, come widely off the mark. Hewas among the people who helped save my life?but I also recognize him for what he is, and he?s misguided. He?s convinced that because Jon Landman doesn?t think race is a factor in anything, that the editors who work for him do not use race.

"I don?t want to go into the specifics of alleging X, Y or Z, but it?s not just in my regard," Mr. Blair continued. "It?s every black reporter, except for a handful that are protected."

Informed of Mr. Blair?s comments, Mr. Landman said: "For him to call these people racist is extraordinary. These were the same people who tried to save his life when he was as destructive as anyone I?ve ever seen in the newsroom."

Following days of meetings with Times executives the week of April 27, Mr. Blair resigned on May 1. Ms. Glowacka, who said she had been unaware of Mr. Blair?s misdeeds and had been lied to even as the higher-ups were interrogating him, said she received a call from Mr. Boyd telling her to "leave and be with him, look after him."

"After that, I was his baby-sitter, his suicide watcher," Ms. Glowacka said. "Whatever it was." She said she later quit after it became apparent that, given the kind of attention she?d received and the false rumors surrounding her, (Ms. Glowacka, whose parents were friends of Mr. Raines? wife, was recommended by Mr. Raines for her job, but said she and Mr. Blair did not exploit that relationship) she?d no longer be comfortable back at the paper.

That day, Mr. Blair said he returned to the Realization Center, where he was told that he needed to check himself into some sort of hospital. He chose Silver Hill in New Canaan, Conn., he said, where at last he?d admitted to others the extent of his misdeeds.

He stayed six days, Mr. Blair said, adding that his leaving wasn?t against medical advice. He hadn?t slipped back into drugs, he said, and received "meds" for the first time. The doctor, he said, told him he wasn?t having a psychological episode. They told him to stay on the medication and keep away from the press.

This is Mr. Blair?s new life: going to therapy three times a week. Refuting some claims, confirming others. (In a conversation, Thomas Blair, Jayson?s father, backed up his son?s claims at The Times that [Thomas Blair] had worked for NASA in the early 1980?s and had had a cousin on Illinois? death row.)

Mr. Blair said he also planned to write a book. He knew such a prospect angered his former colleagues, who felt he would be cashing in on a betrayal. And he resented the paper?s internal investigation. "My reaction to the Times story? I definitely feel sad for my role in the problems they?re having now, and what it?s done to my former colleagues?but I felt they did it to themselves. The Times did it to itself by writing a story that tried to put the blame on one man?s shoulders without examining how the institution would allow that to happen. On its face, a story like that?s not credible, and everyone?s naturally jumped on it.

"As much as I feel guilt for my role in it, I don?t feel bad for The Times ? position. I need time to cool my anger, and they need time to cool their anger, too," Mr. Blair said. "Most of them are also upset that I?m planning on writing, because they think I need to focus on myself. The only way I can do that is if they start paying my bills for me."

But Mr. Blair said he?d already begun to write. He saw his story as "a cautionary tale for anyone in a job who?s self-destructing right now." He called the writing process "very therapeutic."

"For the first time, I?m writing down the series of lies, and it?s made me realize: I did do this," Mr. Blair said.

Believe it or not, Mr. Blair added, his life was better.

"It?s hard in a lot of ways, but I think about where I would be now," he said. He meant if he hadn?t gotten caught. He nodded to Ms. Glowacka. "She would be sitting behind some desk not writing, and I would be pretending to be traveling across the country, really getting depressed in my apartment.

"It?s got to be better," Mr. Blair said, slouched in the butterfly chair. "It?s going to work out for me."

He got up. On the nearby coffee table was a copy of A Million Little Pieces , the memoir by the self-rehabilitated drug addict, James Frey. Sticking from it was a business card, which he took out. It said: JAYSON BLAIR, Reporter. Then: The New York Times.

Jayson Blair looked at it. "This is my new bookmark," he said.
www2.observer.com



To: JohnM who wrote (1283)5/21/2003 5:50:22 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793587
 
Jewish Donors to Democrats Urge Support of Road Map

By KATHARINE Q. SEELYE - NEW YORK TIMES

This fits right in with my earlier post about Jews not being happy with the left. Here comes the "Squeeze." THE NOTE says Ken Mehlman, Bush's Political Director, is rubbing his hands with glee.

WASHINGTON, May 19 ? A group of prominent Democratic Jewish donors sent a letter today to the Democratic presidential candidates urging them to support, or at least not to oppose, the Bush administration's "road map" for peace in the Middle East.

"As the presidential campaign begins to pick up steam, we know that the pressure on you to criticize the administration will increase," the letter said. "But, as long as the administration remains actively engaged in an effort to implement the road map, we ask you not to put obstacles in the way of the president's Mideast peacemaking policies."

If the administration makes Middle East peace a low priority, the letter added, the candidates should "speak out."

The letter was signed by more than 100 people, most of them Jewish and longtime contributors to Democratic candidates and causes. They included: Richard Dreyfuss, the actor; Alan Solomont, a former finance chairman of the Democratic National Committee; Ruth W. Messinger, an unsuccessful candidate for mayor of New York; Henry Rosovsky, a former dean and acting president of Harvard University; Eli Broad and Lynne Wasserman, major fundraisers in Los Angeles; Alan Patricof, an investment banker close to the Clintons; and Michael Adler, a Miami developer.

Mr. Solomont said in an interview that the candidates might be tempted to discount the peace plan after the latest wave of violence, but that he and the others "wanted to remind the candidates that we have something on the table that we think is an important framework."

The signers, organized in part by the Israel Policy Forum, did not appear to be concerned that their support for the president on this issue could undermine the Democrats or backfire on them. Nor did they threaten to withhold their financial support if the Democrats failed to heed their advice.

Rather, they said, they view the issue of peace in the Middle East as one of such overriding importance that they wanted to underscore their support for it. At the same time, they wanted to distance themselves from other lobbying groups that have appeared less supportive of the administration's plan.

"There are a lot of issues that Democrats want to oppose George Bush on, and I absolutely agree with them about that," said Bill Titelman, a lawyer in Washington and longtime fund-raiser who signed the letter. "But it's important that our candidates recognize that the overwhelming majority of the American-Jewish community supports the road map."

Officials at a number of the Democratic campaigns would not commit themselves to the letter's request. Instead they offered a range of mild criticisms of the president, particularly for his earlier disengagement from the Middle East. Most encouraged more presidential involvement in the peace process.

Robert Gibbs, a spokesman for Senator John Kerry, Democrat of Massachusetts, said: "As Senator Kerry has repeatedly said, the United States and this administration must be personally engaged in this critical part of the world. Unfortunately, this administration walked away from the Middle East for months. Peace in the Middle East will come about only through the sustained personal engagement of this president."

Tricia Enright, a spokeswoman for former Governor Howard Dean, Democrat of Vermont, said: "Strong engagement and leadership from the Oval Office is absolutely essential to returning to the path to peace in the Middle East. This administration's disengagement from the process in its first year contributed to the deterioration of relations between the Israelis and Palestinians."

Privately, officials at some of the campaigns expressed annoyance at what they perceived as the unstated threat that the donors might shut their wallets.

"Money only goes so far," said one. "No one group can dictate to a candidate what his or her position should be."

This official added: "At the end of the day, if any of the '04's think criticizing the president will move us closer toward a lasting peace in Israel, they have an obligation to do so and they will do so."

Jonathan Jacoby, founding director of the Israel Policy Forum, said the letter-signers were "trying to protect the peace process from American politics."

"The message of the letter to the candidates," he added, "is that if you think you're going to stop Bush from picking off Jewish Democrats by attacking him on the road map, you're mistaken." He said the signatories hoped their letter would prevent the candidates from such attacks.
nytimes.com