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To: Oeconomicus who wrote (157422)5/22/2003 11:36:36 AM
From: GST  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 164684
 
Purifying dead, Iraqis awash in grief

By Patrick Healy, Globe Staff, 5/21/2003

AJAF, Iraq -- The young man with wet hands is the first to see the minivan as it careens among the tombstones of the Valley of Peace, halting and speeding, as if uncertain where this journey ends and the next begins. With the hem of his white robes, the man rubs his fingers dry, and waits.


He is a body washer, a sacred role in the rawest of rituals in postwar Iraq -- the bathing of the dead before burial. In a country where few people can find steady work, the round-the-clock demands on these men and women are only mounting.

The minivan pulls up to the Old Haider Washing Place in the middle of the valley's vast cemetery. It is a small family this time -- a father, his older brother, his last two sons, a few cousins.

Lashed to the car's roof is the homemade wooden coffin of his third son, Esa Hassan. Two days earlier, a US cluster bomb had sent the 11-year-old flying across a playing field near his home in Baghdad. Four hours ago, Esa died.

The other sons, Juad and Alaa, scramble onto the hood and strain for balance. They slide the coffin onto the heads of men below, who carry it inside to the white-robed man now standing by a small pool of water and cedar leaves.

''My son,'' says Esa's father, Muhammad. ''Yes,'' the body washer says.

Muhammad delicately unwraps the towels around his son's body and lifts him onto an 8-foot-long stone altar. As the body washer dips a ladle into the pool, Muhammad kneels by the altar and caresses his son's smooth, shaved head. Esa is thin from hunger. His eyelashes are dark and long, elegant. His long fingers are cupped as though ready to throw a ball.

The body washer, known in Arabic as a yighsilchi, covers Esa's torso with a cloth, then splashes water on the boy's head, chest, arms, and legs. With both hands, he scrubs a soapy batch of wool across the skin. The foam glistens in the sunlight that bathes the room.

The father, crouched on the floor, begins to weep.

''My son,'' he says again.

The washing of the body has long been a central burial rite in Iraq, but it has assumed new significance recently. Relatives stand nearby and grieve not only for their loved one, but also for their country's betrayals and agonies.


Many Shi'ite Muslims bring their dead from around the country to the Valley of Peace for burial near the Shrine of Ali, a holy site honoring a cousin of the Prophet Mohammed. And with so many lives lost in this country -- war victims, men and women stricken by disease, bodies being discovered in the hundreds in mass graves -- grief and hopelessness flood this washing place on most days.

One of the body washers, Alaa al-Zubaidi, began working here when he was 11, collecting the cedar leaves used to purify the water. (The cedar is mentioned in the Koran and is considered a holy tree.) Today he is the chief washer, rising at dawn and often not stopping before midnight as he cleanses the 35 to 40 bodies that now arrive daily.

''The person must be pure so he can be prayed over and prepared to face God,'' said Zubaidi, 27. ''It is both for body and soul. It is a sacred rite.''

Most days, half of the bodies come from Baghdad -- people killed by land mines, looters, and previously unexploded ordnance from the war. Some families travel all the way from coastal Basra; one group of 35 recently endured a carjacking as they brought a relative from there, finding a ride with another convoy.

All but combat casualties are washed; those who died in battle are sprinkled with dust. ''They are considered to be purified by shedding his own blood, by being a witness to martyrdom,'' says another body washer, Kareem al-Zubaidi, Alaa's brother.

A spirit of reconciliation has yet to take hold in this country, with so many still angry at Saddam Hussein's regime and the former ruling Ba'ath Party, but there are signs of forgiveness here. Several body washers say they are against war and against Hussein, but they absolve those who supported him.

''All the souls lost are not cheap,'' said Kareem al-Zubaidi. ''They are your fellow countrymen. We are suffering. We weep and cry, even for the Iraqi soldier, because he is my brother or your brother or my neighbor.''

Some mourners do not forgive so easily. On a recent day, five bodies arrived at the washing place from a recently discovered mass grave in Mahaweel, about an hour north. More than 3,000 bodies have been found there this month, believed to be the victims of a 1991 purge by the regime after a Sh'ite uprising against Hussein.

The family of Akram Hamza al-Mummar carries a shawl of his bones into the washing place, laying it on the floor for the body washer to rearrange into an outline of Mummar's skeleton. The skull is found. Some fingers. Tibia. The remains are sprinkled with dust -- a martyr of '91, the body washer declares.

''Saddam is an evil man, but Saddam by himself cannot do such things,'' says Samir Saadi, the dead man's son. ''George Bush Sr. and the Saudis did not support us during the uprising. They share blame here.''

Muslim tradition calls for a quick burial, but for many Muslims, being buried in Najaf is so significant that families are willing to let the corpses decay in the hope that the roads will become safer and allow travel from elsewhere in Iraq to this holy city.

One family waited a month before the patriarch could be brought for burial; his organs had turned to mush and the stench overpowered everyone in the washing place but the washer.

After bodies are washed (women are cleansed in a separate room), they are returned to the coffins and taken to the Shrine of Ali for a blessing. Families routinely become stuck in traffic in busy Najaf -- a funeral procession brings no special treatment -- before returning to the Valley of Peace to hire a grave digger and walk to the tomb or crypt.

The funeral is usually quick and quiet, except for women overcome by grief who beat their breasts and slap their faces in torment.

It is at the washing place where despair is most often given voice, as men stand outside and speak of their loss.

''Look at him -- look at this boy killed,'' says Esa Hassan's uncle, Aliaabe. ''This is not the victim of Saddam Hussein. He is the victim of the United States. Is this what America wanted? It is a genocide.''

He dabs at his wrinkled eyes with a dirty, torn handkerchief, then crumples against the Toyota in tears.

From inside come the shrieks of the father. Esa is placed on one side to have his back scrubbed, then the other; only the body washer can move him. Muhammad goes to the boy, but the family pulls him back. The boy lies on the altar with his knees crooked, as if lying in a child's bed that he has outgrown. The body washer turns Esa's head to the right so his closed eyes face his father.. And Muhammad Hassan goes to his son again, this time touching him.

Patrick Healy can be reached at phealy@globe.com.

This story ran on page A1 of the Boston Globe on 5/21/2003.

boston.com



To: Oeconomicus who wrote (157422)5/22/2003 11:59:33 AM
From: GST  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 164684
 
Prewar Views of Iraq Threat Are Under Review by C.I.A.
By JAMES RISEN The New York Times

WASHINGTON, May 21 The Central Intelligence Agency (news - web sites) has begun a review to try to determine whether the American intelligence community erred in its prewar assessments of Saddam Hussein (news - web sites)'s government and Iraq (news - web sites)'s weapons programs, several officials say.

The director of central intelligence, George J. Tenet, has named a team of retired C.I.A. officers to scour the classified intelligence reports that were circulated inside the government before the war on a range of issues related to Iraq, including those concerning Bagdhad's links to terrorism and unconventional weapons, officials said. The team plans to compare those reports with what has actually been discovered in Iraq since the war ended.

The previously undisclosed C.I.A. review was initially prompted by a request last October from Secretary of Defense Donald H. Rumsfeld to Mr. Tenet, a senior intelligence official said Monday.

The review will encompass reports produced by the Central Intelligence Agency, the National Intelligence Council, the Defense Intelligence Agency and other agencies, and is the first internal review of Iraq-related intelligence since the war ended in April, officials said.

Mr. Rumsfeld's initial proposal came at a time when questions were being raised both inside and out the government over the quality of the intelligence concerning links between Iraq and Al Qaeda. One intelligence official said Mr. Rumsfeld had become irritated by disagreements within the intelligence community over the possible links between Iraq and the Qaeda network. Before the war, some Pentagon (news - web sites) officials expressed frustration over what they perceived to be excessive caution on the part of C.I.A. analysts who found scant Qaeda-Iraqi connections, according to several intelligence officials.

Now that the war is over and the review is underway, the climate within the intelligence community has changed sharply. The failure so far of American forces to find conclusive evidence either of Iraqi ties to Al Qaeda or unconventional weapons has added urgency to the study's outcome.

The review, which has the support of some analysts and officials who have said the intelligence on Iraq was politicized, will not examine all Iraqi-related intelligence, but will focus instead on a few sensitive issues, including whether the United States overstated the threat that Iraq was trying to develop biological, chemical and nuclear weapons, according to officials familiar with the study.

The review team will scrutinize reports produced throughout the intelligence community, including those by C.I.A. analysts and reports prepared by other agencies such as the Pentagon, officials said.

Mr. Rumsfeld's original concept for the review grew out of his belief that if the United States went to war in Iraq, the intelligence community should study the intelligence reports it produced before the war and see how they compared with the reality discovered on the ground after the war. Mr. Tenet agreed, and senior intelligence officials began assembling a team.

"Rumsfeld and Tenet regularly have lunch," one senior administration official said. "And last fall, they were having a conversation, and Rumsfeld said: `If we go to war with Iraq, what are the things we should look at?' "

"They agreed that we would have an opportunity to learn a lot about our intelligence, and how it stacks up against reality," he continued.

But the review comes at a time of increasing tension between the Pentagon and C.I.A. over the handling of intelligence. Intelligence officials said that several C.I.A. analysts had quietly complained that senior Defense Department officials and other Bush administration officials sought to press them to produce reports that supported the administration's positions on Iraq. In addition, several current and former C.I.A. officers who have been upset about what they believe has been the politicization of intelligence concerning Iraq were the first to disclose the existence of the new C.I.A. review.

A senior intelligence official cautioned that the review was not designed as a formal investigation or a "witch hunt," but rather as an intellectual exercise to find ways to improve the way the intelligence community works.

"This is not a report card," on Iraqi intelligence, the official said. "We really want to find ways to make the intelligence community work better."

Despite the friction over Iraq-related intelligence, officials said Monday that a special ombudsman inside the C.I.A.'s Directorate of Intelligence had received only one complaint from a C.I.A. analyst about the way in which specific intelligence on Iraq was handled. The ombudsman determined that the analyst's complaint that the problem stemmed from the politicization of the intelligence on Iraq was unfounded.

"I really think that the press reports of friction between the C.I.A. and Pentagon are overdrawn," said one senior intelligence official. "I can tell you that Tenet and Rumsfeld have a very good relationship."

But other intelligence officials have said they believe that one source of the feuding between the C.I.A. and Pentagon was the creation last year of a special Pentagon unit that reviewed intelligence reports concerning Iraq. That team was created in part as a result of the frustration some senior aides to Mr. Rumsfeld had felt over the way in which the C.I.A. was handling the issue.



In some cases, Pentagon officials came to believe that the C.I.A. was too dismissive of information provided by Iraqi exiles and other sources warning of the threat posed by reported Iraqi ties to Al Qaeda and by suspected efforts to develop illegalweapons.

Pentagon officials say the intelligence team did not produce its own reports, and instead reviewed the intelligence developed by other agencies, looking for links between Iraq and Al Qaeda that they did not believe had been sufficiently highlighted by other agencies. But the creation of the special unit created a furor within the intelligence community, after C.I.A. analysts began to complain that the Pentagon's special unit was staffed by conservative ideologues eager to offer the Bush administration an alternative view of intelligence than that provided by the C.I.A.

Even though Mr. Rumsfeld asked for the review, it appears that Mr. Tenet and his staff will control it. It is possible the review may lead to the first internal scrutiny of the role the new Pentagon team played in developing intelligence on Iraq in the months leading up to the war.

Several senior officials stressed that the fact that the review has started does not mean that the administration has given up hope of discovering more evidence of Iraq's unconventional weapons. At the Pentagon and C.I.A., officials believe that the Hussein government had so many years to hide its weapons that it will almost certainly take time to find them.

"They had 12 years of being real good deceivers," said one senior administration official. "This is going to be a long hard process.."

Senior American intelligence officials say they believe that the only plausible use for mobile laboratories that have recently been found in Iraq was for development of biological weapons, although they say they have not yet found any evidence that such weapons were recently produced. Some senior officials also say they still believe that they will eventually find chemical weapons.

But those same officials say that they have not yet found any new and conclusive evidence inside Iraq of connections between Mr. Hussein's government and Al Qaeda.

While the United States may still find such evidence, some current and former intelligence officials say it is becoming increasingly clear that the C.I.A., Pentagon and other agencies did not know as much about the status of Iraq's weapons programs and its ties to terrorists before the war as was previously believed.

story.news.yahoo.com