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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (19659)5/28/2003 11:55:41 PM
From: Mannie  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 89467
 
Wednesday, May 28, 2003

Saudis and Americans -- no one tells truth

By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
SYNDICATED COLUMNIST

In the wake of the recent terrorist bombings in Riyadh, Saudi officials seem to have -- pardon the
expression -- gotten religion. They say they now understand that suicide terrorism in the name of
Islam is as much a threat to them as it is to the open societies of the West. This time, they insist,
they're going to crack down on their extremists. I hope so, but I fear we have a deeper problem
with Saudi Arabia. I fear it is the Soviet Union. I fear it is unreformable.

I fear that the ruling brothers of Saudi Arabia are like the Soviet Politburo. I fear the 6,000 Saudi
princes are like the Communist Party Central Committee. I fear that Riyadh is Red Square. I fear the
al-Sauds used Islamism to unite 40 fractious tribes in Arabia the way Lenin used communism to
unite 100 fractious nationalities across Russia. And I fear that Osama bin Laden is just the evil
version of Andrei Sakharov -- the dissident Soviet scientist who exposed the system from within.
Sakharov was exiled to Gorky. Bin Laden was exiled to Kabul. And both systems meet their end
where? In Afghanistan.

Even if this parallel is off, and the Saudi system could be reformed without collapsing, I fear that
the Saudi ruling family has become too dysfunctional, divided and insecure to undertake this task.
Surely one test is whether Saudi officials and spiritual leaders can condemn Islamic suicide
terrorism, not just when it is against them, but when it is against people of other faiths -- no matter
what the context. Saudi Arabia's neighbors -- Jordan, Bahrain, Qatar and Oman -- are
experimenting with elections, a freer press, women's rights and free trade with the United States.
Saudi Arabia, by contrast, has been drifting under an ailing king, trying to buy a different
perception of itself with better advertising rather than with deeper reform.

Frankly, I have a soft spot for the de facto Saudi ruler, Crown Prince Abdullah, who is a man of
decency and moderation. But he's too nice for his own good. He needs to break heads at home,
force some sustained reforms on his religious establishment, revive his own peace initiative and
begin to empower his women -- because women's empowerment is the best antidote to extremism.

The problem with Saudi Arabia is not that it has too little democracy. It's that it has too much. The
ruling family is so insecure, it feels it has to consult every faction, tribe and senior cleric before
making any decision. This makes Saudi Arabia a very strange autocracy: It's a country where one
man makes no decisions.

If this continues, we must protect ourselves -- by telling the Saudis, and ourselves, the truth.

In private, Bush aides have been fuming: The United States gave the Saudis intelligence warnings
before the recent attacks, but they took no steps to deter them. Publicly, though, the Bush team
bites its tongue. We never talk straight to Saudi Arabia, because we are addicted to its oil. Addicts
never tell the truth to their pushers.

If we were telling the Saudis the truth, we would tell them that their antimodern and antipluralist
brand of Islam -- known as Wahhabism -- combined with their oil wealth has become a
destabilizing force in the world. By financing mosques and schools that foster the least tolerant
version of Islam, they are breeding the very extremists who are trying to burn down their house and
ours.

But we also need to tell ourselves the truth. We constantly complain about the blank checks the
Saudis write to buy off their extremists. But who writes the blank checks to the Saudis? We do --
with our gluttonous energy habits, renewed addiction to big cars and our president who has made
"conservation" a dirty word.

In the wake of the Iraq war, the Environmental Protection Agency announced that the average fuel
economy of U.S. cars and trucks fell to its lowest level in 22 years, with the 2002 model year. That
is a travesty. No wonder foreigners think we sent our U.S. Army Humvees to control Iraq, just so
we could drive more GM Hummers over here. When our president insists that we can have it all --
big cars, big oil, lower taxes, with no sacrifices or conservation -- why shouldn't the world believe
that all we are about is protecting our right to binge?

And so the circle is complete: President Bush won't tell Americans the truth, so we won't tell
Saudis the truth, so they won't tell their extremists the truth, so they can go on pumping intolerance
and we can go on guzzling gas. Someday, our kids will condemn us for all of this.



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (19659)5/29/2003 11:41:15 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
MOVING THE GOALPOSTS

_________________________________

By Eric J. Fry

The Daily Reckoning

Americans will do almost anything to avoid saving money. They hate
it like a five-year-old hates broccoli. And just like that five-
year-old, they will grimace, whine, kvetch, and, yes, even lie to
avoid doing what is good for them.

They will tell themselves that stocks always go up in the long run
.. or that their home equity is all the "savings" they will ever
need. But such comforting delusions seem to be colliding head-on
with a very different reality. America is "savings-lite" -- a
condition that is likely to weigh on corporate profits and stunt
economic growth for years to come.

Most Americans don't save enough money in a year's time to buy a
week's worth of groceries. And what's true at the individual level
is also true collectively. Our government is borrowing about half
a trillion dollars a year, just to make sure that the barrels
never run low on pork. At the same time, America's pension plans -
- both in the private and public sectors -- are woefully
underfunded.

"For the past three years," Business Week observes, "the damage
from corporate pension-plan losses has been piling up like a slow-
motion train wreck. As stock prices stayed low and interest rates
declined, on average, plan assets have lost 15% of their value,
while their liabilities have soared 59%, according to money
manager and researcher Ryan Labs. The squeeze has vaporized
surplus assets in nearly all funds. Pension plans of companies in
the Standard & Poor's 100 index were showing a 16% deficit to
liabilities at yearend, down sharply from a 30% surplus two years
before."

Meanwhile, the accounts of the Pension Benefit Guaranty Corp.
(PBGC), the federal government-sponsored insurer of most pensions,
have swung from a surplus of $7.7 billion last year to a deficit
of $5.4 billion in the past 18 months.

Out in the public sector, a record 79% of U.S. public pension
plans are underfunded, according to Wilshire Associates of Santa
Monica, Calif. "The phrase 'unfunded pension liability' has
returned to public officials' vocabularies," writes Bloomberg's
municipal bond guru, Joe Mysak. "And to the vocabulary of bankers.
States and municipalities are thinking about selling more than $20
billion in pension obligation bonds." Is it not American ingenuity
at its finest, this idea of selling bonds to plug the gap created
by non-saving? Somehow, an apparently dysfunctional American
system seems to work, over and over again.

But maybe, the age of easy accommodation has about run its course.
Maybe the slumping dollar is signaling a change in the wind. Maybe
our savings-lite nation will not be able to borrow money as
effortlessly as it has in the past.

The bear market of the last three years has exposed America's
savings deficiency like a low tide exposes skinny-dippers. We've
been "swimming naked" for years, hidden from public view by a bull
market in stocks that kept us all chest-deep in capital gains. But
now, as the stock market ebbs, pension plan liabilities flow. The
PBGC estimates that the U.S. private pension system alone is
underwater by over $300 billion.

It's hardly surprising, therefore, that CFOs are scared to death
about the pension plan underfinding crisis. "Global outsourcing
and consulting firm Hewitt Associates found that pension
shortfalls, pension regulations, and pension accounting are high
on CFOs' lists of concerns these days," CFO Magazine reports.
"More than half of the CFOs and treasurers at the 174 midsize to
large companies in the survey said they will need to fund a
pension liability this year.... More than 60% of the respondents
believe that pension cost volatility is either a major problem or
a serious concern."

Not only do the mounting corporate pension liabilities threaten to
divert cash flow away from productive uses like investing in R&D,
but also from unproductive uses like boosting corporate executive
compensation packages - including the packages CFOs receive. These
high-priced accountants thus have a very personal vested interest
in re-jiggering the pension accounting assumptions, rather than
taking legitimate measures to shore up the financial integrity of
the plans under their stewardship. Re-jiggering rather than
repairing is precisely the tack that Congress seems to be taking.

One prudent response to pension underfunding might be to rein in
costs while simultaneously accelerating contributions. But that
two-pronged approach would be painful, and, besides, it would
severely constrain the "profit growth" of many American
corporations...which could severely constrain the desire of
investors to pay 35 times earnings for stocks. And if investors
won't pay 35 times earnings for stocks, share prices might fall.
And if share prices fall, the pension plan deficits would become
an even bigger problem.

So in order to keep the game alive, the powers that be must
prevent the grim reality of pension underfunding from encroaching
upon the delightful fantasy of a bull market at 35 times earnings.
The solution is obvious, move the goalposts. In other words,
change the underlying assumptions about future expenses or future
pension plan asset growth.

To illustrate, let's imagine a hypothetical family breadwinner who
earns $80,000 per year. Now imagine that the breadwinner's family
spends $100,000 per year. (Sadly, this scenario is all too easy
for many of us to "imagine.")

The breadwinner is in deficit to the tune of $20,000 per
year...unless he changes his assumptions to achieve a balanced
budget, pension-accounting style. Which means he could either
assume expenses of $80,000, even though they are actually
$100,000, or he could assume annual income of $100,000, even
though it is actually $80,000.

Eventually, of course, the real-world gap between income and
expenses would produce unavoidable insolvency. But in the
meantime, the breadwinner and his family could enjoy the happy
illusion of budgetary balance, without having to curtail their
outsized spending.

This "solution," self-evidently, would be nothing more than a
charade, a tragic farce. But it would make life much more
enjoyable for a while...and that, dear reader, seems to be the
spirit of the new Portman-Cardin bill that is currently snaking
its way through the House of Representatives.

For starters, the pension bill would let companies use a separate
mortality table for blue-collar workers. "In essence," the Rocky
Mountain News notes, "companies would not be required to pay as
much into the pension plan because they could assume blue-collar
workers will die sooner than other employees."

Such actuarial sleight-of-hand would be welcome relief for
companies like General Motors Corp. and Deere & Co., two companies
with the ignominious distinction of having amassed pension plan
deficits that exceed their respective market capitalizations. Not
coincidentally, these two companies also share the distinction of
having been selected as promising short-sale candidates by Apogee
Research.

GM, which strains under the weight of a monstrous $25.4 billion
pension plan deficit, possesses a market capitalization of only
$19.67 billion.

Another of the bill's ingenious measures is to allow the companies
with the most severely "funding-challenged" plans to reduce their
insurance premium payments to the PBGC, the federal pension fund
insurer. In other words, the companies that are most likely to
require a government bailout would pay the least amount for
insurance.

The last innovation proposed in the House bill would reduce the
present value of future pension liabilities, simply by changing
the interest rate used in the calculation. Specifically, the bill
would replace the 30-year Treasury bond rate with a higher-
yielding corporate bond index, thereby reducing the present value
of future liabilities by an estimated 10% to 15%. All together,
the House bill could save a company like GM about $2 billion per
year...for a while. And that would be welcome and immediate relief
for the cash-strapped automaker.

Sadly, however, none of the maneuvers proposed by the Portman-
Cardin bill would fortify our nation's pension plans. To the
contrary, they would weaken them, and further jeopardize their
ability to meet future obligations. The "good news" is that
corporations with underfunded plans could continue to report
illusory earnings growth while retaining cash for other uses like
research and development, capital investment and executive
compensation.

We will not quarrel with the possible merit of deferring pension
plan contributions. But we will point out that deferring the Day
of Reckoning does not eliminate it.

The pension-plan funding crisis will likely weigh on corporate
earnings for years. Likewise, the national savings shortfall will
probably stunt economic growth for years to come. "In order to get
out from under the 16-ton sledgehammer of debt, companies use cash
flow to build reserves or retire bonds -- they don't invest,"
observes Bill Gross, the legendary bond fund manager. "Consumers
begin to put away money instead of spend.... And the combination
induces a negative spiral or vicious cycle of even more
conservative behavior including job layoffs, which leads to muted
growth in personal income.... As the U.S. private sector
retrenches to a more normal historic average level of total
savings, it necessarily acts as an economic drag."

The Day of Reckoning beckons...

Eric Fry,
The Daily Reckoning

Eric J. Fry, the Daily Reckoning's "man-on-the-scene" in New York
has been a specialist in international equities since the early
1980s. He is also a renowned portfolio manager, author, and
financial commentator and is the editor of Apogee Research. For
investment recommendations consistent with the ideas Eric has
expresses in the Daily Reckoning, please click here:

Apogee Research
agora-inc.com



To: Jim Willie CB who wrote (19659)5/30/2003 12:20:32 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 89467
 
Was the Case for Invasion Built on Deception?
_____________________________

by Jules Witcover

Published on Wednesday, May 28, 2003 by the Baltimore Sun

WASHINGTON -- Pardon me, but has anyone noticed the similarity between the recent deceptions by a New York Times reporter and the Bush administration's rationales for invading Iraq?

At the top levels of both the Times and the administration, major reviews are under way over their particular embarrassments. The notable exception is that the Times has admitted that somebody was blowing smoke -- big time, as Vice President Dick Cheney might say.

President Bush continues to talk about links (unproved) between Osama bin Laden and Saddam Hussein and saving the world from Iraq's weapons of mass destruction (WMD), which haven't been found.

Meanwhile, the Central Intelligence Agency investigates whether there was much validity in the "facts" presented by U.S. officials as justification for the invasion.

Although it's abundantly clear now that the president's objective always was "regime change," also known as getting rid of Mr. Hussein, he peddled the al-Qaida link and WMD as the better bet to get the U.N. Security Council to go along. He understood it was not about to sanction a blatant overthrow of a sovereign state, as despised as Mr. Hussein was.

You'll recall how Secretary of State Colin L. Powell, with assurances of an imminent threat from Iraq, laid his considerable personal prestige on the line to squeeze a definitive war-making resolution out of the Security Council. In place of hard intelligence, he presented, among other things, computer-simulated mock-ups of mobile chemical and biological weapons factories to make the case.

The council didn't buy it, and neither did most of the rest of the world, but President Bush, with a hard patriotic sell, got the American public on his side and went ahead. With those WMD so elusive, the administration's pitch now is that the invasion confirmed the Iraqi dictator's bestiality, which we already knew, and that that is enough justification.

The corollary apparently is that it really doesn't matter whether such weapons are ever found. But what about the obligation that Mr. Bush had to level with Congress in insisting that the threat from Iraq was so imminent that its constitutional power to declare war should be ceded to the head of the executive branch?

The Senate's 85-year-old dean, Robert C. Byrd of West Virginia, is dismissed as a ranting relic when he insists that the Constitution he carries in his coat pocket like a pacemaker continue to be observed and that the United States not use its superpower clout to remake the world in its image.

Mr. Byrd's proposition hardly seems academic in light of reports that the administration is now turning its eye on Iran as the next target of its advocacy of "anticipatory self-defense" justifying pre-emptive war, conducted unilaterally, if necessary.

A warning of an imminent threat from Iranian possession of WMD may well have more validity than the one used to win congressional approval of the Iraq invasion. But the Democrats who were so willing to buy that rationale from Mr. Bush then may be harder to convince the next time around.

Another administration sales pitch for the Iraq invasion was that it would be accepted by the Iraqi people as a "liberation," not an occupation. But that hope has now been dispelled, not only by the unruly behavior of many of the "liberated," but also by the new American czar on the ground, L. Paul Bremer III. In a recent interview with The Washington Post, he was quoted as saying: "Occupation is an ugly word, not one Americans feel comfortable with, but it is a fact."

It will be most interesting to see what the CIA comes up with in its investigation into the quality and assessment of the intelligence used by the administration to persuade Congress and, unsuccessfully, the Security Council to sanction the invasion of Iraq.

If it reveals any intentional misrepresentation by the White House, the State Department or the Pentagon, the whole concept of "anticipatory self-defense" and pre-emptive war will be undermined, and should be.

__________________________________

Jules Witcover writes from The Sun's Washington bureau. His column appears Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays.

Copyright (c) 2003, The Baltimore Sun

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