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To: TigerPaw who wrote (19873)6/3/2003 4:13:20 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Why do they hate us? A theory
_____________________________________

By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
SYNDICATED COLUMNIST
Tuesday, June 3, 2003

seattlepi.nwsource.com

As President Bush met other world leaders over the weekend, and tries to patch things up between the United States and the rest of the planet, I find myself looking back and asking: What's been going on here? After 9/11 people wondered "Why do they hate us?," speaking of the Muslim world. After the Iraq war debate, the question has grown into "Why does everybody else hate us?"

I've sketched out my own answer, which I modestly call "A Brief Theory of Everything." I offer it here, even more briefly, in hopes that people will write in with comments or catcalls so I can continue to refine it, turn it into a quick book and pay my daughter's college tuition. Here goes:

During the 1990s, the United States became exponentially more powerful -- economically, militarily and technologically -- than any other country in the world, if not in history. Broadly speaking, this was because the collapse of the Soviet empire, and the alternative to free-market capitalism, coincided with the Internet-technology revolution in the United States. The net effect was that U.S. power, culture and economic ideas about how society should be organized became so dominant (a dominance magnified through globalization) that the United States began to touch people's lives around the planet -- "more than their own governments," as a Pakistani diplomat once said to me. Yes, we began to touch people's lives -- directly or indirectly -- more than their own governments.

As people realized this, they began to organize against it in a very inchoate manner. The first manifestation of that was the 1999 Seattle protest, which triggered a global movement. Seattle had its idiotic side, but what the serious protesters there were saying was: "You, America, are now touching my life more than my own government. You are touching it by how your culture seeps into mine, by how your technologies are speeding up change in all aspects of my life and by how your economic rules have been 'imposed' on me. I want to have a vote on how your power is exercised, because it's a force now shaping my life."

Why didn't nations organize militarily against the United States? Michael Mandelbaum, author of "The Ideas That Conquered the World," answers: "One prominent international relations school -- the realists -- argues that when a hegemonic power, such as America, emerges in the global system other countries will naturally gang up against it. But because the world basically understands that America is a benign hegemon, the ganging up does not take the shape of warfare. Instead, it is an effort to Gulliverize America, an attempt to tie it down, using the rules of the World Trade Organization or U.N. -- and in so doing demanding a vote on how American power is used."

There is another reason for this non-military response. The United States' emergence as the hyperpower is happening in the age of globalization, when economies have become so intertwined that China, Russia, France or any other rivals cannot hit the United States without wrecking their own economies.

The only people who use violence are rogues or non-state actors with no stakes in the system, such as Osama bin Laden. Basically, he is in a civil war with the Saudi ruling family. But, he says to himself, "The Saudi rulers are insignificant. To destroy them, you have to hit the hegemonic power that props them up -- America."

Hence, 9/11. This is where the story really gets interesting. Because suddenly, Puff the Magic Dragon -- a benign U.S. hegemon touching everyone economically and culturally -- turns into Godzilla, a wounded, angry, raging beast touching people militarily. Now, people become really frightened of us, a mood reinforced by the Bush team's unilateralism. With one swipe of our paw we smash the Taliban. Then we turn to Iraq. Then the rest of the world says, "Holy cow! Now we really want a vote over how your power is used." That is what the whole Iraq debate was about. People understood Iraq was a war of choice that would affect them, so they wanted to be part of the choosing. We said, sorry, you don't pay, you don't play.

"Where we are now," says Nayan Chanda, publications director at the Yale Center for the Study of Globalization (whose Web site yaleglobal.yale.edu is full of valuable nuggets), "is that you have this sullen anger out in the world at America. Because people realize they are not going to get a vote over American power, they cannot do anything about it, but they will be affected by it."

Finding a stable way to manage this situation will be critical to managing U.S. relations with the rest of the globe. Any ideas? Let's hear 'em.

_____________________________________________

Thomas L. Friedman is foreign affairs columnist for The New York Times. Copyright 2003 New York Times News Service. E-mail: thfrie@nytimes.com



To: TigerPaw who wrote (19873)6/3/2003 9:58:31 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Reporters Seymour Hersh and Matt Pacenza Receive Columbia Journalism Awards

By Caroline Ladhani

columbia.edu

Investigative reporter Seymour Hersh and City Limits magazine associate editor Matt Pacenza are receiving prizes for excellence in journalism awarded by the faculty of Columbia's Graduate School of Journalism.

Hersh will receive the 2003 Columbia Journalism Award for singular journalistic performance in the public interest at the school's May 21 commencement ceremony. Pacenza received the 2003 Mike Berger Award on Journalism Day, May 20, for outstanding reporting on the lives of ordinary citizens in New York City.

"Seymour Hersh has for 30 years led the field of investigative journalism, informing the public and discomforting those who have deceived the citizenry, forming one of the bulwarks protecting our democratic freedoms," said Interim Dean David A. Klatell. "His work has been crucial in the continuing battles against government evasions and dissembling, and he has done all this without fear or favor, and with a modesty that belies the importance of his efforts," Klatell added. The Columbia Journalism Award, is the highest award given annually by the faculty of the Journalism School.

Of Matt Pacenza's reporting, which appears in the monthly print publication City Limits and the electronic City Limits Weekly, the Journalism faculty said, "Pacenza's work stands out for its range and ambition. In the tradition of Meyer Berger, his stories bring to life seldom-heard and seldom-seen people. They also tackle large and complex ideas in ways that are refreshing, illuminating and challenging."

Hersh, a 1970 Pulitzer-Prize winner, contributes regularly to The New Yorker's "Annals of National Security." His work first gained wide recognition in 1969 for exposing the My Lai massacre and its cover-up during the Vietnam War, for which he received the Pulitzer Prize for international reporting.

The University of Chicago graduate is a native of that city and began his career in journalism as a police reporter for the City News Bureau in 1959. He later became a correspondent for United Press International in South Dakota, and in 1963 went on to become a Chicago and Washington D.C. correspondent for the Associated Press. Five years later, Hersh was hired as a reporter for the New York Times' Washington Bureau, where he served from 1972-75 and again in 1979.

His book "The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House" won him the National Book Critics Circle Award and the Los Angeles Times book prize in biography among other honors. Hersh has also written a total of eight books and contributed to a PBS television documentary, "Buying the Bomb," in 1985.

Matt Pacenza received the 2003 Mike Berger Award for his body of work over the course of 2002, exploring important policy issues in housing and poverty through stories about individual New Yorkers. Examples include accounts of a low-income resident's legal battle against eviction and a nonprofit housing organization's struggles to rebuild East Harlem.


Matt Pacenza

Prior to joining City Limits in 2001, Pacenza wrote neighborhood news stories that appeared in several publications including the New York Observer and Newsday. Originally from upstate New York, Pacenza earned a bachelor's degree in environmental policy from Cornell University in 1993. Before pursuing a journalism career, Pacenza traveled to Guatemala as a human rights observer and educator. He also did public relations for a university theater and became a community educator for an organ and tissue bank. Pacenza earned a master's degree in journalism in 2000 from New York University.

Pacenza won 2002 National Association of Real Estate Editor awards for Best Magazine Report, Best Young Journalist and Overall Individual Winner, for his series of articles on New York City's $1 billion effort to collect defaulted property tax debt.

He will receive $1,000 as winner of the Mike Berger Award, which honors the legendary New York Times reporter whose stories often focused on the lives of ordinary New York City citizens. The prize was created in 1960, a year after Berger's death, by Louis Schweitzer, a New York industrialist and admirer of Berger's writing.

Following the presentation of the Mike Berger award on Journalism Day, Tuesday, May 20, the witty and widely read syndicated columnist Molly Ivins delivered the annual Henry F. Pringle Memorial Lecture on covering national affairs.

Ivins, whose column on politics regularly appears in more than 100 newspapers nationwide, was a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize in 1985 and 1988. Her work has also appeared in numerous publications including Esquire, Atlantic, The Nation, Harper's, Mother Jones and TV Guide. She is the author of four books, most recently "Shrub: The Short But Happy Political Life of George W. Bush" co-authored with Lou Dubose, and she has also been a commentator on television and radio.

Ivins grew up in Houston, and after earning a B.A. from Smith College, received a master's from the Columbia Graduate School of Journalism. In 1970, she was named co-editor of the Texas Observer, a liberal monthly covering Texas politics and social events. She has also written for the Houston Chronicle and the Minneapolis Star Tribune. In 1977, she became a political reporter for The New York Times and later became the Times' Rocky Mountain bureau chief. Ivins received the 1992 Headliner's Award for best column in Texas. In 1976, she was honored as an outstanding alumna by the Columbia Graduate School of Journalism's Alumni Association, and she served as a Pulitzer Prize juror in 1992.

Published: May 21, 2003
Last modified: May 23, 2003



To: TigerPaw who wrote (19873)6/3/2003 10:17:04 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
We Need More Journalists Like Seymour Hersh
________________________________
February 5, 2002
by Jackson Thoreau
democraticunderground.com

Way back in the late 1970s when the acrid stench of Watergate still filled the air, New Yorker investigative reporter Seymour Hersh spoke at my college. I was just a wet-behind-the-ears sophomore who found it hard to believe my government would lie to me, wondering what the hell I was going to do with my life.

I found my life's pursuit in Hersh's inspirational message: "It is the government's job to keep secrets; it is my job to find them out." There are many events that compelled me to join the largely thankless, low-paying-for-most, hypocritical business of journalism, but that hour of listening to Hersh - who has exposed numerous government secrets, including the 1968 My Lai massacre of hundreds of Viet Nam men, women, and children by U.S. troops - talk about how he unearthed such secrets ranked right up there. I saw journalism as almost missionary work, as a way to right wrongs, to expose injustice, to help the needy, to speak truth to power. When I read English novelist Edward Bulwer-Lytton's words, "The pen is mightier than the sword," I believed, brother.

Little did I know I was merely entering a harsh Fantasy Island. Once the boat left, reality was quite different from the brochure.

More than two decades later, I can only shake my head in wonder. How can we spend so much time and energy covering O.J. and Condit and the latest clothing trends, and miss the really important stories - the government secrets - like the details of exactly how the Republicans stole the 2000 election and how we've killed more civilians in Afghanistan than those who died here on Sept. 11? Speaking of Condit, why have we ignored the story of Lori Klausutis, an aide to former U.S. Rep. Joe Scarborough, R.-Fla., who was actually found dead in the congressman's district office in July 2001 amid rumors of an extramarital affair, the resignation of Scarborough, and questions about cover-ups?

How can we magnify Clinton's and Gore's shortcomings to the point we're repeating bald-faced lies without even checking them, yet let Bush - who rarely has a press conference because his handlers are afraid of what he might say or mangle when not giving prepared remarks - off the hook and even compare him to Franklin D. Roosevelt? How can we let the Republicans convince us that the Democrats were equally tied to Enron and it was more of a business scandal, when the Bush administration spent the last year falling all over itself to help its friend, Kenny Boy?

The answers lie in money and myths. Let's just scratch one myth right off the bat: The media is no more liberal than Bush is sincere. Many reporters and editors might have been liberal in the Watergate days. But these days most are either moderate or lean to the right, based on my observations of working in the media for more than two decades. And the ones who call the shots - the corporate media bigwigs - are mostly true conservatives. Just review federal election records, and you will find the names of big media executives like Fox News owner Rupert Murdoch giving money only to Republicans. You won't find many who gave to Clinton or Gore.

That's why a study by the Project for Excellence in Journalism, a group organized by Columbia University and others, concluded that overall Bush was twice as likely to receive positive media coverage as Gore in the last weeks of the 2000 presidential campaign. Another study by that group found that more than three-quarters of the campaign coverage of Gore cast him as someone who lied, exaggerated, or was tainted by scandal. Meanwhile, most coverage of Bush carried the theme that he was a "different kind of Republican."

That's why studies of presidential news coverage like Robert Entman's Democracy Without Citizens and Mark Hertsgaard's On Bended Knee: The Press and the Reagan Presidency show that Democrats Clinton and Carter received tougher media scrutiny than Republicans Bush and Reagan. That's why Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, the New York-based organization that superbly watches the supposed watchdogs, continually puts out releases and reports on how biased the media's coverage of W. Bush is. One blasted Newsweek's puff piece on Bush in December 2001 for failing to ask a more substantial question on the "war on terrorism" than this:

"From where does George W. Bush - or Laura, for that matter - draw the strength for this grand mission, the ambitious aim of which is nothing less than to 'rid the world of evildoers'?"

The magazine was so thorough in fawning all over Bush that it dismissed flaws, such as explaining why Bush doesn't read many books because "he's busy making history," FAIR noted.

Another myth - that the media actually cares about the average person - is equally infected by money. The media is a lucrative business, first and foremost. The New York Times Co. made a profit of more than $300 million last year - and most other media firms made similar handsome profits last year. Still, Times bigwigs cried about declining advertising revenue and laid off more than 1,200 employees in 2001. Stories about civilian casualties and the illegitimacy of the Bush regime do not play well to the advertisers of the New York Times, where Hersh once worked.

That's why the Times compared Bush's 2002 State of the Union address to Franklin D. Roosevelt's and even said it contained "moments of eloquence," which were insults to both Roosevelt and the word, "eloquence." That's why the Times and other outlets largely ignore reports of civilian casualties in Afghanistan, such as the excellent report by University of New Hampshire economics professor Marc W. Herold on the site of Media Alliance, a San Francisco-based nonprofit resource center for media members, community organizations, and political activists [see media-alliance.org].

That's why the Times and other outlets mostly cover protesters of events like the World Economic Forum in terms of how they affect security, not on why they are protesting in the first place. Occasionally, a substantial story that covers issues that Bush's handlers don't want to see highlighted slips through the cracks, but those are drowned out by articles that focus on patriotism, the need for a military build-up, and similar themes.

Add in the increasing media mergers, the constant, unsubstantiated charges by the right-wing of "liberal media bias," and vindictiveness of Bush's people and the right-wing toward any media member who dares not to fall in line, and you have a complacent, lapdog press. It's not the right-the-wrongs watchdog I envisioned more than two decades ago.

While many of my colleagues are out chasing big bucks and awards and being paid to care, some of us still really give a damn about exposing injustice, helping the needy, speaking truth to power. Bill Moyers, Molly Ivins, and Helen Thomas immediately come to mind as well-known journalists who have not sold out to the moneyed crowd. The alternative press is full of unsung heroes who risk their careers and even lives to report the really important stories.

And I can't forget Seymour Hersh. A recent story in the New Yorker by Hersh reported that, along with Pakistan military officers and intelligence advisers, some Taliban and al Qaeda fighters escaped the Afghan city of Kunduz last November in nighttime airlifts approved by the Bush administration to help Pakistan leader General Pervez Musharraf, a key U.S. ally, avoid political disaster.

Have you heard about this story? I hadn't until I did a search for Hersh's name and found mention of it buried at the bottom of a Reuters article. Obviously, most in the U.S. press chose to ignore this intriguing story, which raises more questions about the Bush administration's "war on terrorism."

Bush administration officials denied Hersh's report, as other government officials had before eventually having to admit the truth. At age 64, Hersh, who has exposed secrets of Democrats as well as Republicans, remains an example of a member of the media who is doing his job. I just wish there were more journalists like Hersh.

_______________________________________________

Jackson Thoreau is co-author of We Will Not Get Over It: Restoring a Legitimate White House [Mukilteo, Wash.: CyberRead, 2002]. The 110,000-word electronic book can be downloaded here or here. Thoreau can be emailed at jackson_30s@yahoo.com



To: TigerPaw who wrote (19873)6/3/2003 11:03:03 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
Spain: Tech Slump? What Tech Slump?
________________________________________

By Paulo Prada in Madrid, with Andy Reinhardt in Paris
BusinessWeek Online
Tue Jun 3, 8:39 AM ET

To a tech industry hungry for growth, Spain is the new El Dorado. Consider PC City, a unit of British retailer Dixons Group PLC, which tiptoed into the country three years ago, buying up a four-store operation. Now, the chain boasts a total of nine stores -- selling everything from scanners to laptops to CD burners -- and plans to add six more by yearend. Its 2002 sales nearly doubled from the year before, to $30 million. "It's not just the massive growth now," says sales director Esther Galvez. "It's about even more growth in the future."

Indeed, Spain now ranks as Western Europe's fastest-growing technology market. PC sales surged 29% in this year's first quarter, vs. just 6% for Europe as a whole, says researcher IDC. Internet usage also is booming: While just 16% of Spain's 41 million people were online in 2000, the figure reached 26% by the end of last year, according to Forrester Research Inc. If growth continues at its current pace, Spain will soon close the gap with countries such as France and Italy, where one-third of the population is now online.

Just ask Carlos Barrabes. The Huesca retailer qualifies as one of Spain's e-commerce pioneers, having taken his mountain-climbing equipment store online in 1995. For years, most of his Internet business was from customers in the U.S., Britain, and Scandinavia. But sales to Spaniards through Barrabes.com have doubled since last October. To accommodate the growing traffic, the 33-year-old entrepreneur has plowed $140,000 into new servers and beefed-up Net connections. "The volumes of business that we had always dreamed of are finally becoming possible," says Barrabes.

The volumes are also showing up for tech multinationals. Giant Hewlett-Packard Co., Spain's leading PC seller with nearly one-fifth of the market, saw first-quarter sales climb 35%, to 99,000 units, according to IDC. "The opportunities we see in Spain are really huge," says Santiago Cortes, managing director for HP Spain. The same goes for German software giant SAP, which boosted revenues 8% in Spain in 2002, more than double what it managed in the rest of Europe.

What's driving the Spanish surge? Thanks to massive investments by telecom and cable providers, the Internet is no longer the exclusive domain of the nation's large companies and urban elite. Working-class and rural Spaniards are snapping up PCs, while small businesses are buying servers and hardware as they venture online for the first time. One million households now have broadband connections, compared with 882,000 in Britain, says London-base researcher Ovum Ltd. These trends have given rise to an IT market expected to top $11.4 billion this year, says IDC. "Now that the technology is available, you've got all this pent-up demand finally moving into the marketplace," says Paul Jackson, senior analyst in the consumer-markets practice at Forrester.

The government of Prime Minister Jose Maria Aznar is also doing its part. For starters, it is Spain's biggest IT customer, with a $1.6 billion budget for 2003. To stoke demand, the government has introduced tax breaks for small and midsize businesses that upgrade to high-speed online connections. It has also earmarked $392 million this year for programs to extend broadband service to 1,800 rural areas without cable or digital subscriber line service and to bring computers and Net connections to schools and public libraries.

The question now is whether Spain can harness its growing prowess to develop a homegrown info-tech sector that exports products and services around the world. So far, signs are mixed. Laptop maker Airis, based in Guadalajara, Spain, now sells its wares in 11 European and South American countries and expects sales this year to climb 50%, to $700 million. But Madrid's Indra Sistemas is more the norm. Spain's largest IT services group took in a respectable $925 million in revenues last year, but just 30% came from outside Spain, primarily Latin America. That's a far cry from globe-straddling rivals such as Paris-based Thales [a part-owner of Indra], whose 2002 sales were 77% outside France.

Even giants such as former telecom monopoly Telefonica have stumbled in forays to non-Latin countries. The company has pulled out of Austria, Italy, and Switzerland, and last year canceled a joint venture with Finland's Sonera Corp. to build a 3G network in Germany, resulting in a $4.87 billion write-down in July, 2002. Telefonica's Internet affiliate, Terra Lycos, has also seen its share of troubles: Although it's the top Net access provider in many Latin countries and a leading portal across Europe, it continues to lose money.

Still, all this tech investment is definitely having an impact at home. The Spanish central bank recently affirmed its forecasts of 2% growth in gross domestic product this year, just as Germany and the Netherlands were declaring they had officially slipped into recession. The boom also could help Spain's perennial battle against unemployment, which has hovered at around 11% for the past two years. Companies in the IT sector, which employ some 133,000 people, say they can't train workers fast enough.

Buyers like Alejandro Mercader, a Madrid travel agent, have money in their pockets and are ready to spend. Browsing for laptops at a store in early May, Mercader said he was ready to shell out as much as $3,500 to replace his current PC. "The marketplace is changing, and I have to be able to change with it." Such sentiments are buenas noticias for Europe's troubled tech sector.

story.news.yahoo.com