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To: JohnM who wrote (1913)6/5/2003 9:07:36 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793914
 
Good "Charlie Rose" tonight.

RESIGNATIONS AT THE NEW YORK TIMES with
ALEX JONES
Director, Shorenstein Center, Kennedy School
Former Press Reporter, The New York Times
Author, "The Trust"

BERNARD LEWIS
Author, "The Crisis of Islam"

PART III OF A CONVERSATION WITH ANDY GROVE
Co-Founder and Chairman, Intel



To: JohnM who wrote (1913)6/6/2003 1:11:01 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793914
 
Justice Dept. Bans Event by Gay Staff
By ERIC LICHTBLAU NEW YORK TIMES

Another reason why you love Ashcroft, John. The group had to cancel their annual "50 yard handkerchief wave."

WASHINGTON, June 5 - The Justice Department has barred a group of employees from holding their annual gay pride event at the department's headquarters, the first time such an event has been blocked by any federal agency, gay rights leaders said today.

Justice Department officials told the group, called DOJ Pride, that it could not hold its annual event at the department because the White House had not formally recognized Gay Pride Month with a presidential proclamation, Marina Colby, a department policy analyst who is president of the group, said. The group represents several hundred gay and lesbian employees at the department.

"This sends a real chilling message to Justice Department employees who are gay and lesbian," said David Smith, a spokesman for Human Rights Campaign, the country's largest gay advocacy group.

"This says, `You're not welcome,' " Mr. Smith said. "It says that employees can celebrate Asian-American heritage month, and Hispanic heritage month and so on, but you cannot."

Barbara Comstock, a spokeswoman for the Justice Department, refused to comment.

The gay pride event has been a tradition at the Justice Department since the late 90's, organizers said, and many other federal agencies have held similar events since the mid-1990's, when President Bill Clinton first declared a Gay Pride Month.

Last year Deputy Attorney General Larry Thompson ? the second-ranking official at the department ? spoke to about 150 people at the event in the Great Hall of the department. Ms. Colby said the presence of such a high-ranking official "was a really big deal for us, a real sign of support."

But Mr. Thompson's appearance drew protests from some conservative groups. Some accused Attorney General John Ashcroft, a social conservative who has spoken out in the past about homosexuality, of abandoning them by allowing last year's event to proceed.

Public Advocate, a nonprofit group that describes itself as pro-family, has continued lobbying the Justice Department and other federal agencies in recent months to abandon the gay pride events because it says the events are an inappropriate use of federal resources, said Jesse Binnall, a group spokesman.

Told of the decision to cancel this year's Justice Department event, Mr. Binnall said today, "We're absolutely thrilled that the Justice Department has made such a bold decision to stand up for American families instead of giving in to special interest groups."

Gay Republicans have become a more vocal force in party politics of late, but President Bush, unlike Mr. Clinton, has refused to issue a proclamation declaring a Gay Pride Month. The White House has said that the president does not believe "in politicizing people's sexual orientation."

Mr. Bush has issued more than 250 proclamations, acknowledging events like Greek Independence Day, Leif Erikson Day, Save Your Vision Week and National Hospice Month.

This is the first time any federal agency has forced the cancellation of a gay pride event, Mr. Smith said.

Ethnic and racial groups have held annual events at the Justice Department. But Ms. Colby, the leader of DOJ Pride, said the gay pride event was the only one she knew of at the Justice Department that was not covered by a presidential proclamation, and she believed that the Justice Department was using the proclamation issue as a convenient way to cancel the event.

Ms. Colby said she feared that other events that her group holds at the department, like panel discussions, could also be in jeopardy and that the existence of the group could be threatened.

"This was a total surprise to us," she said of the decision to block the event. "Every other association at the department has its recognized month and event, except us."
nytimes.com



To: JohnM who wrote (1913)6/7/2003 12:27:33 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793914
 
Judges Spar Over Affirmative Action

By Charles Lane
Washington Post Staff Writer
Saturday, June 7, 2003; Page A04

I don't remember a case like this one

As the Supreme Court prepares for a historic ruling on affirmative action in university admissions, a conservative federal appeals judge has formally accused her court's liberal chief judge of improperly manipulating the case on its way to the high court -- and he has fired back with accusations of his own, in an extraordinary public argument among members of the federal judiciary.

In a May 28 memorandum, Judge Alice M. Batchelder of the Cincinnati-based U.S. Court of Appeals for the 6th Circuit concluded that Chief Judge Boyce F. Martin Jr. used his position in 2001 to delay consideration of race-conscious admissions at the University of Michigan law school until two judges opposed to the policy became ineligible to vote on it. On May 14, 2002, the court voted 5-4 to uphold the policy, and the case was appealed to the Supreme Court, where a decision is expected by the end of this month.

Ruling in response to a formal complaint against Martin filed Jan. 30 by the conservative organization Judicial Watch, Batchelder, an appointee of President George H.W. Bush, wrote that "the undisputed facts" of the matter "raise an inference that misconduct has occurred." Judicial Watch posted a copy of her memorandum on its Web site Thursday evening.

In a rare on-the-record interview yesterday, Martin, an appointee of President Jimmy Carter, said he was "angry" at Batchelder for not giving him an opportunity to reply to the charges, which he denied. He accused Batchelder and other conservatives of trying to de-legitimize the 6th Circuit's ruling to increase the chances it will be overturned.

"They've chosen to embarrass me in order to influence the Supreme Court," Martin said. Batchelder declined to comment.

The mutual allegations illustrate the degree to which affirmative action has polarized even some members of what is supposed to be the most dispassionate branch of government.

And the argument dramatizes the crucial role played by federal appeals court judges, at a time when Senate Republicans and Democrats are at war over President Bush's conservative judicial nominees.

No court has been more deeply riven by ideological and personal feuding than the 6th Circuit, whose jurisdiction encompasses Michigan, Ohio, Kentucky and Tennessee.

The court has had loud public fallings-out over death penalty cases. And though it produced a ruling in the Michigan law school case, the 6th Circuit never managed to do the same in a companion case regarding Michigan's undergraduate program. The Supreme Court eventually took that matter away from the 6th Circuit and will rule on it, too, later this month.

Judicial Watch's complaint against Martin, in fact, was largely derived from an unusual dissenting opinion attached to the 6th Circuit's Michigan ruling last year, in which Judge Danny J. Boggs, an appointee of President Ronald Reagan, assailed Martin.

On May 14, 2001, lawyers for Barbara Grutter, a white applicant whose suit challenging her denial of admission to Michigan's law school had been rejected by a federal district judge in Michigan, filed a request for the entire 6th Circuit to hear her appeal, instead of a three-judge panel, as normally occurs.

This would have been advantageous to Grutter, since the court's membership at the time consisted of 11 judges, five of whom were conservative appointees of Republican presidents -- and one of whom was an appointee of President Bill Clinton who eventually voted in her favor.

According to Boggs, Martin appointed himself to the three-judge group overseeing the case, violating a rule that requires random assignment. He then used that position, Boggs wrote, to keep the Grutter request under wraps until two of the conservative judges had taken semiretired senior status and become ineligible to sit on the case. Boggs declined to comment yesterday.

Batchelder declared her support for Boggs's opinion at the time, and her memorandum in response to Judicial Watch's complaint essentially restated that view. She recommended no punishment, noting that unspecified corrective action had been taken and that Martin's term would soon be expiring.

Martin, however, said yesterday that he had violated no rules by sitting on the three-judge group. He said he joined it because the clerk of the court, Leonard Green, pulled Martin's name at random from a jade bowl Martin keeps in his office containing slips of paper marked with the names of all 11 judges.

Grutter's request sat through the summer at the clerk's office because of a court regulation barring its distribution to the judges until after another technical motion had been ruled on, Martin said.

Ultimately, the case was heard in December 2001 by a nine-judge panel, of whom only three were Republican appointees. The fact that the two conservative judges, Alan E. Norris and Richard F. Suhrheinrich, went into senior status in the meantime was a coincidence, Martin said.

The 6th Circuit's decision in Grutter's case was crucial, because it clashed with a 1995 ruling by the Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit, based in New Orleans, that invalidated affirmative action at the University of Texas. This "circuit split" all but guaranteed that the issue would be settled by a Supreme Court that might have steered clear of it -- possibly for years -- if the 6th Circuit had ruled the other way.

Boggs declined to comment yesterday. But another member of the court, Judge Ronald Lee Gilman, the Clinton appointee who voted with the Republican appointees against the Michigan law school policy, said that "to say Martin manipulated the process is totally unfair."

"We all need to be more tolerant and collegial and not assume the worst of each other's intentions," Gilman said.

Still, Batchelder's report fueled conservative suspicions.

"It vindicates what we were saying all along. The delay in hearing our petition was inexplicable," said Curt Levey, a spokesman for the Center for Individual Rights, a conservative public interest law firm that has spearheaded the challenge to Michigan's policies.

Yesterday's uproar also revealed previously undisclosed details about the never-decided undergraduate case.

The nine judges who heard it at the 6th Circuit took a tentative vote after oral argument, and based on that, Martin, who favored the policy, undertook to write an opinion for the court. But the judge said yesterday that he was unable to secure the necessary five votes by December 2002, when the Supreme Court announced that it would take over the matter.

This likely means that at least one of the five 6th Circuit judges who voted for the law school policy, which aims to enroll a "critical mass" of African Americans, Latinos and Native American students, balked at the undergraduate policy, which awarded extra points to members of those groups on a 150-point scale used to rank applicants.
washingtonpost.com



To: JohnM who wrote (1913)6/9/2003 10:00:08 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793914
 
Good line on the Times from Nordlinger today.

>>>The Times became risible. And the Times, infuriating as it was, was really never risible. Here's something Jay Leno said last week: "Sean Penn has published a 4,000-word essay in Friday's New York Times defending his visit to Iraq and his position on the war. That's pretty amazing, a writer for the New York Times who actually visited the places he's writing about." It used to be said, "When you've lost Johnny Carson, you've lost America." The Times had become a figure, an institution, of fun.<<<<<
nationalreview.com



To: JohnM who wrote (1913)6/9/2003 9:15:03 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793914
 
A 'Zone of Privacy' With Calculated Polish
By MICHIKO KAKUTANI - NEW YORK TIMES BOOK REVIEWS

LIVING HISTORY
By Hillary Rodham Clinton
Illustrated. 562 pages. Simon & Schuster. $28.

I figured the Times Book Review would be the ultimate one accepted.

Two leitmotifs run through Hillary Rodham Clinton's wildly hyped new memoir, "Living History."

One has to do with her changing hairstyles, which are discussed in detail at least a half dozen times, as they morphed with Madonna-like frequency from long to short, from frizzy to hair-banded to carefully coiffed.

The other has to do with Mrs. Clinton's penchant for blaming enemies, from political opponents to a "vast right-wing conspiracy," for her and her husband's failures and travails.

The first underscores the chameleonlike quality she's always shared with her husband, the belief, as he once put it, that character "is a journey, not a destination." The second underscores both the highly partisan atmosphere of the 1990's and the Clintons' reluctance to assume full responsibility for their own mistakes and evasions.

Mrs. Clinton, who has repeatedly invoked a "zone of privacy" around her and her family, talks in this book about noticing Bill Clinton's narrow wrists and tapered fingers when she first met him at Yale Law School in the early 1970's; about wanting "to wring Bill's neck" after he admitted to her that he'd had "an inappropriate intimacy" with Monica Lewinsky; about subsequently going into "regular marital counseling to determine whether or not we were going to salvage our marriage."

With the exception of such revelations (most of which were publicized in a leak to The Associated Press last week and in Mrs. Clinton's interview with Barbara Walters, which was broadcast on ABC on Sunday), "Living History" is a mishmash of pious platitudes about policy (not unlike those found in the author's earlier book "It Takes a Village"); robotic asides about her official duties in Washington (not unlike those found in her Martha Stewart-esque book "An Invitation to the White House"); and by now familiar accounts of Hillary Rodham Clinton's metamorphosis over the years from Goldwater girl to liberal student activist to high-powered lawyer to first lady to senator from New York.

Overall the book has the overprocessed taste of a stump speech, the calculated polish of a string of anecdotes to be delivered on a television chat show.

Mrs. Clinton is fond of talking about herself in lofty terms as a symbolic figure. "While Bill talked about social change, I embodied it." Her 562-page book is in many ways an artifact of the curious age in which we live: an age in which confession and "sharing" have become talking points for public figures, and scandal translates instantly into celebrity. An age in which tough, talented women can ascend to high political office but often experience their greatest popularity when they are perceived as less-threatening victims.

The book struggles to turn the author's many contradictions ? the policy wonk who poses for Vogue; the self-righteous "politics of meaning" crusader who made a quick $100,000 in the commodities market; the big-picture reformer who has begun to position herself as a centrist ? into a narrative of maturation and reconciliation.

It is a book that purports to deal with the many controversies and scandals in Bill Clinton's campaigns and presidency, presumably to get these issues behind her before she contemplates running for the White House herself. Yet the book skates over the problems the Clinton administration faced in its rocky debut and in the impeachment crisis and skims over details of matters like Whitewater and "travelgate" while expending a startling amount of space on her trips abroad and her personal appearance.

Some of her asides can be funny, like recounting how she and an aide worked out "a system of hand gestures, like those of a coach and a pitcher, so that I would know when to smooth my hair down or wipe the lipstick off my teeth." Many, however, feel more like women's magazine filler. We learn that Bill was flummoxed when Hillary had her hair permed in 1974, but we do not learn why billing records from the Rose Law Firm, included in the independent counsel's subpoenas, mysteriously surfaced in the White House, after having been missing for months. We learn that Mrs. Clinton and her daughter, Chelsea, wore long, flowing tunics over loose pants during a trip to India and Pakistan, but we never learn about President Clinton's controversial last-minute pardons.

The Gennifer Flowers episode is dealt with in a highly cursory manner. Of a newspaper article in which Ms. Flowers claimed that she had had a 12-year affair with Bill Clinton, Mrs. Clinton writes that her husband "told me it wasn't true." Later in the Monica Lewinsky mess in August 1998, before Mr. Clinton told his wife of his involvement with that intern, their adviser Robert S. Barnett tells Mrs. Clinton that "you have to face the fact that something about this might be true." She reports that her response was, "My husband may have his faults, but he has never lied to me."

Though Mrs. Clinton admits that she made missteps with her health-care plan (its failure contributed to the Republicans' taking control of both the House and Senate in 1994 for the first time in 40 years), she tends to attribute many of her and her husband's difficulties before and during his presidency to "the politics of personal destruction."

She blames negative ads and a broken promise from the Carter White House for insuring her husband's failure to recapture the Arkansas governor's mansion in 1980. She shrugs off travelgate as "the first manifestation of an obsession for investigation that persisted into the next millennium." And she characterizes Whitewater as "a limitless investigation of our lives" the purpose of which was "to discredit the president and the administration and slow down its momentum."

Later Mrs. Clinton's anger at Kenneth W. Starr overrode her anger at her husband over Monica Lewinsky. "And the more I believed Starr was abusing his power," she writes, "the more I sympathized with Bill ? at least politically."

In these pages Mrs. Clinton observes that it was she, not her husband, who decided not to turn over Whitewater documents to the press, and that it was she who strenuously argued against appointing an independent counsel. This book ratifies the dynamic between the Clintons depicted in the press and in memoirs by White House officials, that Bill Clinton was the more indecisive, forgiving one, while Hillary was the more combative, organized one.

He was the optimist; she was the worrier. He was a garrulous, boyish multitasker; she was the highly focused worker who kept her own counsel. The Monica Lewinsky imbroglio made her feel more isolated: "I also worried," she writes, "that the armor I had acquired might distance me from my true emotions, that I might turn into the brittle caricature some critics accused me of being."

The least self-conscious portions of this book deal with Mrs. Clinton's childhood and her memories of her mother, a closet Democrat, and her father, a "rock-ribbed, up-by-your-bootstraps, conservative Republican" who warned Hillary about the perils of waste. "To this day," she writes, "I put uneaten olives back in the jar, wrap up the tiniest pieces of cheese."

In this book's opening chapters she writes about growing up in a Chicago suburb where going to McDonald's was reserved for "special occasions," where neighborhood kids thought it was fun to pedal through the haze of town trucks spraying DDT in the summer twilight, where she and her brothers spent more time playing board games (like Monopoly and Clue) and card games than watching television.

These sections have a homey immediacy lacking in the rest of "Living History," which for all its roller-coaster drama ? all the political scandals, marital woes and startling comebacks and reinventions ? radiates the faintly stale air (particularly unnerving in the audio versions of the memoir) of being the carefully rehearsed and elided statements of a professional pol intent on turning a book tour into the first leg of another campaign.
nytimes.com



To: JohnM who wrote (1913)6/11/2003 4:32:00 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793914
 
Handicapping the Race at the Times
The short list for Howell Raines?s replacement


SETH MNOOKIN - NEWSWEEK WEB EXCLUSIVE

I didn't know that Dean Baquet was black. I am surprised that Seth did not bring up his now famous memo about the PC at the LA Times.

June 11 - It's been interesting watching the half-dozen or so media reporters who've been obsessively following the drama at The New York Times react to the resignations of Howell Raines and Gerald Boyd. Personally, I slept for two days straight, waking only to eat yogurt and Fig Newtons.

FOR 48 HOURS, I didn't speak with a single employee of the Times. By this afternoon, I'll be in Abilene, Texas, eating chicken mole and drinking virgin margaritas. But before I head out, I need to put the accumulated knowledge in my brain to use, and, since I swore off gambling, I can't place bets in Vegas. So here are my odds for the next executive editor of The New York Times.

[*] Dean Baquet: 2-1. He's popular in the Times's newsroom and he's done a whale of a job as the managing editor of the Los Angeles Times. It's not fair to say he's one of the best African-American editors in the country because he's one of the best editors, period. In an interview on Friday, Sulzberger said he didn't know why people assumed the editor had to be in his mid-50s: "I'd love to know whose sense that is. Nobody who is going to be involved with this process has that sense." Still, Baquet is young (he's in his mid-40s), and he doesn't have much experience with foreign news.
[*] Bill Keller: 3-1. Keller's mellowed some since he lost out to Raines for the Times's top job. He was the managing editor during Joe Lelyveld I and clearly has the knowledge and experience needed to run the newsroom. He's a true Timesman and is respected in New York. One possible pitfall: appointing Keller would be an admission on Sulzberger's part that not only did he choose wrong last time, he also didn't choose right.
[*] Marty Baron: 5-1. Baron has taken the helm of two storied but troubled papers (The Boston Globe, where he's currently the top editor, and The Miami Herald) and made them both better. He has experience running a fractured newsroom, and out of the top three candidates, is the only one who has headed his own shop. But his demeanor is somewhat distant, and it's likely the Times will need some TLC.
[*] John Geddes: 10-1. Geddes, the paper's deputy managing editor, has been more or less running the paper for the last five weeks anyway. He?s of the last administration, but managed not to get tainted by its downfall. But there's less buzz around him than Baquet, Keller or Baron, and, even in a newsroom, buzz matters.
[*] Jill Abramson: 20-1. Abramson, the paper's Washington editor, emerged from the Blair saga as somewhat of a hero. But Abramson suffers from having no constituency in the Times's newsroom, Raines saw how well that worked.
[*] Jon Landman: 30-1. Another hero from the Blair saga, Landman's early warnings about the rogue reporter went unheeded. But Landman is likely too divisive a figure to get the top job; many people inside the paper viewed his reaction to Raines's troubles as a bit much, and what was perceived as his dissing of the sports department didn't help matters.
[*] Gail Collins: 30-1. Collins, the almost universally liked editorial-page editor, is also respected by Sulzberger. But she has two major strikes against her. As a liberal-identified editorialist, she would serve as fodder for people who view the Times's news hole as activist. And her lack of experience managing a large group of people will likely scare off the publisher.http://www.msnbc.com/news/925157.asp?cp1=1