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Politics : PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Arthur Radley who wrote (414957)6/14/2003 11:52:13 AM
From: calgal  Respond to of 769669
 
Liberty and justice for all
By Gary Galles

Today, June 14, is Flag Day, celebrating when, in 1777, the Second Continental Congress authorized a new flag to symbolize America. It has typically received little notice, beyond being one of the few times many said our Pledge of Allegiance. But the furor over the U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals' ruling that "under God" made requiring students to say the Pledge unconstitutional has now raised its profile.
Flag Day discussion will focus on that contentious case. Many, especially politicians, will endorse the Pledge "as is," lest their patriotism or morality be questioned. Others will echo the claim it is an unconstitutional government establishment of religion. But another phrase — "with liberty and justice for all" — which predates "under God," is far more important.
"Under God" refers to the source of the inalienable rights asserted in our Declaration of Independence. But "liberty and justice for all" reminds us that "justice" today is a far cry from the conception underlying our Founding.
How can there possibly be liberty and justice for all, when, in the name of justice, people claim rights to income, food, housing, education, health care, transportation, ad infinitum? We can't. Positive rights to receive such things, absent an obligation to earn them, must violate others' liberty, by taking some of their income without their consent. They are really just wishes, convertible into benefits for some only by employing the government to violate others' rights not to have what is theirs taken.
Only by recognizing that justice involves the defense of negative rights — prohibitions laid out against others, especially the government, to prevent unwanted intrusions — not rights to be given things, can liberty for all be reconciled with justice for all. And negative rights are precisely what our Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, especially the Bill of Rights, were meant to protect. But those foundational freedoms are being eroded by the ongoing search to "discover" ever more positive rights.
Echoing John Locke, the Declaration of Independence asserts that all have inalienable rights, including liberty, and that our government's purpose is to defend those negative rights. Each citizen can enjoy them without infringing on anyone else's rights, because they impose on others only the obligation not to interfere. But when the government creates new positive rights, extracting the resources to pay for them necessarily takes away others' inalienable rights (which we recognize as theft except when the government does it). Such rights are inconsistent with the vision which formed America.
Almost all of Americans' rights laid out in the Constitution are protections against government abuse. The Preamble makes that clear, as does Article 1, Section 8's enumeration of the limited powers granted to the federal government. That is reinforced by explicit description of some powers not given. Even more clearly, the Bill of Rights, which Justice Hugo Black described as the "Thou Shalt Nots," consists almost exclusively of negative rights. Even its central positive right — to a jury trial — is largely to defend innocent citizens' negative rights against being railroaded by the government. And the 9th and 10th Amendments leave no doubt that all rights not expressly delegated to the federal government are retained by the people.
Liberty means I rule myself, protected by my negative rights, and voluntary agreements are the means of resolving conflict. In contrast, assigning positive rights to others means someone else must rule over the choices and resources taken from me. But since no one has the right to rob me, they cannot delegate such a right to the government to force me to provide the resources it wishes to hand out to others, regardless of who is to get them. For our government to remain within its delegated authority and the consent of the governed, it can only enforce negative rights.
Our country was founded on inalienable rights, not rights granted by Washington, so the government cannot take them away. But as people have discovered ever more things they want others to pay for, and learned how to manipulate the language of rights to get public support, our government has increasingly turned to violating the rights it was instituted to defend. As we celebrate Flag Day, this, not whether "under God" is in the Pledge of Allegiance, is main threat to our Founders' vision.

Gary M. Galles is a professor of economics at Pepperdine University in Malibu, Calif.

URL:http://www.washingtontimes.com/commentary/20030613-083856-6714r.htm



To: Arthur Radley who wrote (414957)6/14/2003 12:55:09 PM
From: calgal  Respond to of 769669
 
Western Europe
East Central Europe
URL:http://www.eubusiness.com/cgi-bin/item.cgi?id=112309&d=101&h=240&f=56&dateformat=%25o%20%25B%20%25Y


European Union draft constitution unveiled
by Jitendra Joshi
BRUSSELS, June 13 (AFP) - A draft constitution covering 450 million inhabitants of the future European Union was unveiled Friday after a year-and-a-half of gruelling debate on how the EU should run its affairs after its biggest enlargement yet.

Valery Giscard d'Estaing, the former French president who chaired the historic convention, announced he had a text to present to EU leaders meeting for a summit in Greece next week.

The text will then be taken up by an inter-governmental conference (IGC) of current and future EU countries, a rolling series of meetings due to begin in October where many believe the hardest haggling will take place.

In an appeal to the EU heads of government, Giscard d'Estaing said: "The closer you stick to our text, which has been discussed and reflected upon at great length, then the lighter will be your task.

"Standing now on the threshold of a new era, we should decide together to go in to a new Europe," he concluded to a standing ovation from conventioneers as the EU anthem, Beethoven's Ode to Joy, struck up.

The champagne was then popped as the 105-member convention celebrated the end of its substantive work after first getting down to business at the end of February 2002.

The convention, whose members are drawn from EU governments, parliaments and the European Commission, is set to reconvene on July 9-11 to discuss part three of the constitution, which details the technical implementation of EU decisions and laws.

But the main body of the text is done, setting out a delicate compromise to shake up the EU's institutions so that it can cope with the entry of 10 more member states in May next year.

The constitutional debate has polarised big and small member states, which fear they and the executive European Commission will lose out from the new power-sharing arrangements.

Some big battles remain, notably over demands for the EU to extend qualified majority voting into sensitive areas such as foreign and tax policy, in the teeth of opposition from Britain which wants to retain its national veto.

But conventioneers said the right balance had been struck for now.

Denmark's Henning Christophersen, representing EU governments, said the draft text "combined ambitions, aspirations and radical new thinking with realism".

"I believe we have got it just about right," he said.

The proposed changes would see the EU from 2009 replace its rotating leadership, which now changes hands every six months, with a president elected for up to five years by the member states.

The EU would also get a "foreign minister" who, with the new president, would be the union's face to the outside world and work to bridge the kind of divisions that saw damaging splits emerge recently over Iraq.

Every member state would retain a commissioner in Brussels but the European Commission would only have 15 voting members at any one time.

EU citizens would for the first time by able to initiate legislation, by presenting a petition to the Commission bearing one million signatures. After the EU's enlargement next year, the total population will stand at 450 million.

The issue of how the EU makes its decisions will return to haunt the EU as federalists press their argument that in a bloc of 25 or more countries, the requirement for unanimity on big issues will cripple decision-making.

The role of religion will be another hot-button topic at the IGC with many, including the Vatican, demanding the constitution's preamble explicitly mentions Europe's Christian heritage.

"To talk of Europe from a cultural point of view without mentioning the legacy of its Judaeo-Christian roots is purely and simply a historical mistake," according to Portuguese Prime Minister Jose Manuel Durao Barroso.



To: Arthur Radley who wrote (414957)6/14/2003 1:35:40 PM
From: Skywatcher  Respond to of 769669
 
CIA Reassigns 2 Top Iraq Analysts but Denies the
Move Is Punitive
By Greg Miller, LA Times Staff Writer

WASHINGTON -- The CIA has reassigned two senior officials who
oversaw its analysis on Iraq and the deposed regime's alleged banned
weapons, a move that a CIA spokesman said was routine but that others
portrayed as an "exile."

The officials served in senior positions in which they were deeply involved in
assembling and assessing the intelligence on Iraq's alleged stocks of chemical
and biological arms.

U.S. search teams have
yet to find conclusive
evidence that Iraq had
such weapons in the
months before the war
-- an assertion that was
the Bush administration's
principal justification for
the March invasion.

One of the officials was reassigned last week to
the CIA's personnel department after spending
the last several months heading the Iraq Task
Force, a special unit set up to provide 24-hour
support to military commanders during the war.

The other, a longtime analyst who had led the agency's Iraq Issue Group, was dispatched on an
extended mission to Iraq. The group is responsible for the core analysis of all the intelligence the United
States collects on Iraq.

CIA spokesman Bill Harlow said Friday that the changes were routine, and that it is "absolutely wrong
to think this is somehow punitive or negative or indicative of anything other than a normal rotation."
Citing security concerns, he asked that neither employee be identified by name.

But other intelligence sources offered a different account.

"Two of the key players on this problem have essentially been sent into deep exile," said one agency
official, who spoke on condition of anonymity. The official added that the changes seemed designed to
show the administration that "we're being responsive to charges that we did not perform well."

The failure so far to find banned weapons in Iraq has raised questions about whether the prewar
intelligence was flawed or shaded to support the White House's desire to present a compelling case for
war.

The agency's personnel moves come as congressional committees are reviewing the prewar intelligence,
with some Democrats pushing for public hearings and a full-scale investigation.

Democrats on the Senate Intelligence Committee signed a letter this week seeking a meeting with the
panel chairman, Sen. Pat Roberts (R-Kan.), in an effort to pressure him to drop his opposition to a full
investigation.

Meanwhile, staffers on the House and Senate Intelligence committees are already poring over
thousands of pages of prewar intelligence documents turned over by the CIA in recent days.

One Capitol Hill aide who has reviewed the material said there are troubling contradictions in the
documents and statements. In some cases, records show officials reaching one conclusion on Iraq's
weapons, only to offer a contradictory conclusion a few months later.

The aide declined to discuss specifics but said the tangled nature of the material is likely to add fuel to
the controversy.

"It's all fodder for the Democrats," the aide said. "What they'll find is people having said things that
aren't consistent with what they're saying now."

An intelligence official familiar with the Iraq assessments said congressional investigators are not likely
to find documented proof that analysts were pressured to tailor their assessments.

"They'll be hard-pressed to find any kind of smoking gun, a case of somebody coming in and saying, 'I
wrote it this way and it came back from the 7th floor telling me to write it another way,' " the official
said, referring to the location at CIA headquarters where Director George J. Tenet and other top
officials have offices.

Instead, the official compared the pressure analysts faced in the months preceding the war to that
applied by lawyers "badgering the witness -- asking the question over and over and over again to the
point where people get worn down."

Much of this pressure, the official said, came from top officials at the Pentagon, including Defense
Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld. Pentagon officials have repeatedly denied seeking to influence the
intelligence on Iraq.

Tenet is said to have called a special meeting with the CIA's Iraq analysts on June 5, a session one
source described as an attempt to clear the air at a time when top officials have been alarmed by
anonymous complaints showing up in the press.

It is not clear whether the meeting came before or after the two senior officials were reassigned.
Several intelligence sources said it was unusual for employees in such key assignments to move on to
positions of equal or lesser prestige.

The woman who led the Iraq Issue Group had been there for less than a year, a relatively short stint.
That sort of job has traditionally been a launching pad to higher rank. Winston P. Wiley, who went on
to head the Directorate of Intelligence, had held a similar position during the 1991 Persian Gulf War.

Harlow, the CIA spokesman, said the woman "is moving on to an assignment in Iraq to support
important issues out there." He noted that, as an expert on the country, she welcomed the opportunity
to work there. Before Saddam Hussein's regime was toppled, he said, "we didn't have positions in
Iraq."

The other employee was reassigned in part because the wartime task force is winding down, Harlow
said. "This guy needed a new job and is going off to do recruiting [for the agency]. It's something he
wanted to do, and it's something critically important to us."

Others questioned that explanation. A move to the personnel department, one former official said, "is
usually not a step up."

CC