SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : WHO IS RUNNING FOR PRESIDENT IN 2004 -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: calgal who wrote (2527)6/19/2003 12:57:24 AM
From: calgal  Respond to of 10965
 
JOHN FUND'S POLITICAL DIARY
Secrets of the Senate
A bipartisan proposal would make the body more open.

Thursday, June 19, 2003 12:01 a.m. EDT

The U.S. Senate, once touted as "the world's greatest deliberative body," has become a dysfunctional mess. Filibusters and "blue slips" block judicial nominations. Midnight additions swell legislation with pork-barrel spending. Partisanship stymies the budget process. And a single member can put a secret "hold" or "block" on legislation and nominations.

But now there is a glimmer of hope in a bipartisan proposal to remove the veil of secrecy. Iowa Republican Chuck Grassley and Oregon Democrat Ron Wyden want new rules that would force senators to identify themselves publicly if they use a hold to stall Senate action.

The hold is a legitimate practice, allowing senators to slow legislation down so it can be studied--thus providing more time work out a consensus or stop harmful legislation. But there's little legitimate reason for secrecy. Many senators already make their blocks known publicly. And many blocks are kept in the dark because they are holding up Senate action for petty reasons. One such block eventually made public was Idaho Republican Larry Craig's hold on 850 Air Force officer promotions--including the general chosen to head all U.S. Air Forces in Europe. The senator's reason? The Air Force, Mr. Craig argued, welshed on a promise by delivering only four out of eight C-130 cargo planes to an Idaho Air National Guard base.

Sen. Craig has beaten a partial retreat and lifted his hold on all but a few dozen promotions--but only after his hold was made public and the national media hammered him.

Misuse of holds occurs on both sides of the aisle. In the 1990s a few Republican senators used them to deny votes to some Clinton nominees. More recently, West Virginia Democrat Robert Byrd pointed out a bigger problem: Special-interest groups will often call Senate staffers and have them stop a bill or nomination in secret. "They call the staff and get a staff person [to do it]," he told senators this week. "I'm surprised sometimes to find I have a hold on something." Despite such outrages, the 85-year-old senator is so loath to depart from Senate traditions that he will probably oppose reform. "I think we can find a way to achieve the goals of these two senators without changing Senate rules."Sen. Byrd's warning may mean that the Grassley-Wyden reform is headed for a legislative graveyard. "Unfortunately, one thing is certain," said Mississippi Republican Trent Lott in supporting their proposal. "If this committee decides that we should eliminate secrecy surrounding holds, and we report this resolution [to the full Senate], I am sure that an anonymous senator will put a hold on the resolution."

Someone should emulate Oklahoma Republican Jim Inhofe, who in 1993 was a rambunctious member of the House and pushed to end a secretive tradition. At the time, legislation supported by a majority of the members would get bottled up in committee. One way to force a vote on such a bill is to get a majority of members to sign a discharge petition. But House rules forbade identifying who'd signed such a petition. That made gathering signatures impossible and allowed a member to say publicly he supported a bill even as he quietly refused to sign the discharge petition.Mr. Inhofe's crusade touched a nerve and talk radio picked up the fight. The public's outrage forced House leaders to end the secretive practice, and Mr. Inhofe's new fame won him a Senate seat in 1994. Now--with the Internet joining talk radio as a powerful political tool--it's time for a similar battle. The Senate doesn't have to be steeped in secrecy.

URL:http://www.opinionjournal.com/diary/?id=110003644



To: calgal who wrote (2527)6/19/2003 1:07:22 AM
From: calgal  Respond to of 10965
 
Bush Launches Drive To Raise $200 Million
Blitz Aims to 'Lock in the Money,' Adviser Says













By Mike Allen
Washington Post Staff Writer
Wednesday, June 18, 2003; Page A13

President Bush kicked off the largest political fundraising drive in history last night, previewing campaign themes for lobbyists, chief executives and upper-crust Republican faithful who paid $2,000 apiece to throng the ballroom of a Washington hotel.

Bush plans to collect $200 million for his reelection bid over the next year or so -- twice as much as the record-setting amount he raised for his first presidential race. The bulk of the money will be raised at a series of paid presidential appearances, with a first wave of 10 lunches, dinners and receptions scheduled over the next five weeks.

"There's nothing like having a few friends over for a cocktail or two," Bush said, basking in the applause. "Your support is laying the groundwork for a strong nationwide effort next year. Your support is going to help us achieve a strong nationwide victory."

The prediction was perhaps Bush's most political remark since the midterm elections, but he said in his speech that he is devoting most of his time to the war on terrorism and "getting the economy going again."

"The political season will come in its own time," he said. "Right now, this administration is focused on the people's business."

The appearances are described by White House officials as a political necessity, even though Bush faces no primary opposition and federal law prescribes that the money raised be used only through the Republican convention at the end of next summer. For the general election campaign, Bush plans to accept federal funds.

Republican officials said the campaign will use the money for television advertising that will both boost Bush's image and attack Democrats as being captive to liberal interest groups. They said the money will also be used to build a turnout organization in preparation for Election Day. The campaign's plans include a headquarters in every state, county chairmen throughout key states and millions of pieces of mail.

The fundraising blitz poses a political risk for Bush at a time when the economy has presented the nation with, as he put it in a speech in Virginia yesterday, "slow times." Unemployment hit a nine-year high in May and, although the stock market has rallied briskly in recent weeks, measures of consumer and business confidence have continued to disappoint the administration.

Many voters in the Rust Belt states, which can swing a presidential election, are worse off than when Bush took office, and a centerpiece of the Democratic strategy is to paint him as captive to corporate interests. Mark Mellman, a Democratic pollster, joked that "the only people who can afford to spend $2,000 on dinner in this economy are Bush supporters."

"One of the single greatest vulnerabilities for Bush is the view of people that he's much more interested in acting on behalf of the wealthy than ordinary people," Mellman said. "This reinforces that image in dramatic fashion."

White House communications director Dan Bartlett said that, for average voters, the sporadic attention to Bush's money-raising forays will be "just background noise compared to what they see the president focused on, which is creating jobs in America."

Last night's reception raised about $3.5 million and was attended by 1,200 to 1,400 people, the campaign said.

The simple fare of hot dogs, cheeseburgers and nachos was intended to lend a casual note to an enterprise designed to speedily cement the advantage of a popular incumbent while his potential rivals in the Democratic Party struggle to be heard.

Bush gave a taste of his campaign speeches to come, promising "a society of prosperity and compassion, so that every citizen has a chance to work and succeed and realize the promise of America." Turning to risks around the world, he promised that the United States will remain "freedom's defender."

"Our work is only beginning," he said. "We have great goals worthy of this great nation."

After arriving at the hotel, Bush spent about 45 minutes posing for photographs with about 160 individuals and couples who were named "co-chairs" of the event after selling at least 10 tickets, raising $20,000.

The presidential fundraisers will continue in quick succession with a Georgia stop on Friday, and appearances in New York, San Francisco, Los Angeles, Miami and Tampa by the end of the month. The pace is designed to produce an intimidating show by June 30, the deadline for the first federal fundraising disclosure since Bush launched his campaign last month. Officials said they expect the report to show $25 million or even more, some of it raised in small amounts through the campaign's Web site and mail solicitations.

The decision to begin raising money this early was controversial within Bush's inner circle, with some of his advisers contending that he would look less political -- and bargain more effectively with Democrats on Capitol Hill over Medicare reforms and other parts of his agenda -- if he were not officially politicking.

But a presidential adviser said the schedule was intended to "lock in the money in case the world changes," and to give Bush most of next year to raise money for House and Senate candidates after his own treasury is nearly complete.

The fundraisers are beginning during a week when Bush has scheduled a series of appearances that will use the economy as a theme, and will celebrate the effects of the tax cut passed by Congress last month. He spent yesterday morning at Northern Virginia Community College's Annandale campus, where he led a private roundtable discussion on employment training. The small panel included two students, both would-be nurses. Although Bush's address was set on a campus, the audience consisted largely of local business leaders and Republican activists and officials.

Bush used the presence of the trainees to put an optimistic face on the economy. "In this current economy, in spite of slow times, there are industries, such as health care and high-technology manufacturing, that are looking for well-trained employees," he said.

The $2,000 admission fee to last night's fundraiser did not include a chair, so supporters milled around the ballroom as they waited, noshing on the dainty cheeseburgers and visiting the open bar.

One of the attendees, Greg Butler, 45, the general counsel of Hartford, Conn.-based Northeast Utilities, said he considered the ticket price as "a form of free speech -- part of the competition in the marketplace of ideas."

Staff writer Leef Smith contributed to this report.

© 2003 The Washington Post Company

URL:http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A7371-2003Jun17.html



To: calgal who wrote (2527)6/19/2003 1:10:08 AM
From: calgal  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 10965
 
Bush to Choose Ex-Starr Aide
Kavanaugh to Be Nominee For Appeals Court Post
By Mike Allen
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, June 19, 2003; Page A25

President Bush plans to nominate White House lawyer Brett M. Kavanaugh, an author of independent counsel Kenneth W. Starr's report on President Bill Clinton, for a seat on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit, Republican sources said yesterday.

The disclosure came as Bush issued a curt rejection to Democratic senators who had offered to alleviate a fight over a future Supreme Court vacancy by working with him to find a nominee both sides could accept.

Kavanaugh's nomination would suggest Bush is spoiling for a fight with Senate Democrats while the administration's selection of judges is already a raw issue between the parties. The D.C. Circuit court is considered the second most powerful in the land. Kavanaugh, 38, was involved in many of the Clinton administration's legal controversies, and has played a key role in choosing Bush's judicial nominees.

Kavanaugh is undergoing an FBI background check in preparation for his nomination, which will not be announced immediately. He was an appellate expert in Starr's office from 1994 to 1998, and worked on the Monica S. Lewinsky investigation. He also represented Starr in his successful effort to force the release of White House lawyers' notes of conversations with Hillary Rodham Clinton, now a senator. The notes related to the suicide of deputy White House counsel Vincent Foster. Kavanaugh's contribution to the Starr report was the section that outlined possible legal grounds for impeachment.

Kavanaugh was a partner with Kirkland & Ellis before becoming an associate White House counsel in January 2001. He has undergraduate and law degrees from Yale, and was a clerk for Justice Anthony M. Kennedy.

The D.C. Circuit court has openings on its 11th and 12th seats. Republicans blocked Clinton from filling at least one of them by arguing that additional judges were not needed.

Bush's rebuff of the overture by Senate Democrats, a departure from his frequent contention that he is eager to work with Congress, is part of intense positioning by both parties for the possibility that a Supreme Court justice will retire at the end of this term. Senate Minority Leader Thomas A. Daschle (D-S.D.) wrote to Bush on Tuesday to recommend that the president convene a meeting of Senate leaders "to begin a bipartisan process of consultation."

White House press secretary Ari Fleischer called the idea "a novel new approach to how the Constitution guides the appointment process," and said Bush plans no such meeting. The Constitution gives the president sole power to nominate justices, and then the Senate decides whether to confirm them.

"The Constitution is clear, the Constitution will be followed," Fleischer said. "We always welcome thoughts, but certainly no one wants to suggest that the Constitution be altered."

Fleischer said White House Counsel Alberto R. Gonzales "is always happy to meet and talk with these individual senators." A twist is that Gonzales, a former justice of the Texas Supreme Court, is one of Bush's most obvious potential nominees.

Gonzales wrote to Daschle yesterday that in case of a vacancy, the Senate "will have an opportunity to assess the president's nominee and exercise its constitutional responsibility." He has sent similar letters to other Senate Democrats.

The selection of judges, from federal district courts to the Supreme Court, is always a bitterly contested issue for the most ideologically committed wings of both parties. It is even more so now because of the GOP's narrow hold on the Senate, and because of rumors about the possible retirement of Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist, 78, or Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, 73 -- or both.

A group called Faith2Action is linking with some of the nation's best-known conservative organizations for Project Rosebud, which plans to deliver thousands of roses to the White House next week in support of an antiabortion nominee for any Supreme Court vacancy.

Sen. Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.), a Judiciary Committee member, wrote Bush last week to suggest potential consensus nominees. Schumer suggested five moderate Republicans, including Sen. Arlen Specter (Pa.).

Sen. Patrick J. Leahy (Vt.), ranking Democrat on the Judiciary Committee, had first suggested the bipartisan summit in a separate letter to Bush last week. Leahy said that Democrats were "ready to work with you to help select a nominee or nominees to the Supreme Court behind which all Americans, and all senators, can unite."

Bradford A. Berenson, a former associate White House counsel for Bush, called the letters a political stunt to help Democrats "blame the president for the ugly confirmation fight it appears they already have planned."

Democrats, who contend they are not proposing anything radical, are circulating pages from a book by Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Orrin G. Hatch (R-Utah) in which he takes credit for suggesting to Clinton the nomination of two sitting justices, Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Stephen G. Breyer.

Hatch wrote last year in his memoir, "Square Peg," that he had asked Clinton whether he had considered Breyer or Ginsburg. "President Clinton indicated he had heard Breyer's name but had not thought about Judge Ginsburg," Hatch recounted.

Hatch said Tuesday on C-SPAN that Democrats were trying to preempt a conservative nominee. "Even though President Clinton did consult with me as chairman of the committee, he made the final decisions," Hatch said.

Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (Mass.) said the best way for Bush to avoid a major fight would be to consult with the Senate and send up nominees "without ideological chips on their shoulders."

"But if this president wants a battle," Kennedy said, "he'll get it."

© 2003 The Washington Post Company

URL:http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A11032-2003Jun18.html