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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: NickSE who wrote (2625)6/23/2003 8:58:01 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793917
 
Till death do us part
DAVID WARREN

The most interesting part of this is not the gay issue, but the Constitution and the Courts.

The struggle for "gay marriage" is over in Canada. It was over before it started; and while I weighed into the business of homosexual "rights" in December, from another angle -- getting an unpleasant duty over with before Christmas -- I didn't have the stomach for a secular political battle that was unwinnable. For in my assessment, no argument, no matter how unanswerable, could have made the slightest difference in a "debate" that never occurred.

The decision to allow persons other than "a man and a woman" to marry was supported by the usual prolix, amateur-hour riff of a judgment on "equality rights", in this case from the Court of Appeal for Ontario -- unworthy of rebuttal, for it simply ignored opposing arguments, and any inconvenient implications in law. It did not even bother to distinguish corporate from individual persons, in rewriting the common law. Yet for all its huge consequences to our lives and morals, it was made in the way all important decisions are now made in Canada.

A provincial court is asked to rule on a test case, that has been organized by the left-liberal legal establishment to perfectly suit its needs. This court then takes the bait, overturning centuries of organic judicial and legislative development, in a single stroke. The federal government -- which is to say, the Liberal Party of Canada -- pretends it will appeal this, while looking at the polls. If the coast is clear they drop the idea, and announce a surrender immediately. If it isn't, they proceed to the Supreme Court of Canada with an appeal that is bound to lose -- given a high bench stacked with left-liberal law-school mediocrities -- thus taking the rest of the wind out of the sails of any conservative opposition. Meanwhile they themselves, and the progressive media, beat a continuous drum roll over dissident voices, declaring the latest stunt to be an "inevitable" part of the "evolution of society", and slandering all opponents as scary dark.

We now have poll results to show that Canadians back "gay marriage" by a fair margin in most regions. (There was a radical shift over the past few years, from massive opposition everywhere.) Look back over the polls, and you find a series of dubiously-phrased poll questions. The usual trick is to ask the key, headline-getting question right after an invisible, no-headline one. In this case: "Do you think homosexuals should have equal rights with heterosexuals in Canada?" The respondent is hard-pressed to answer "no" to that, and then feels he will be contradicting himself if he says "no" to homosexual marriage a second later. In this jury-rigging way, an illusion is created of democracy at work. Whereas no one ever spent more than a moment thinking about the issue, as he would feel bound to do if there were a proper election or referendum.

This is the "glib" in my portmanteau word, "gliberalism": results are obtained by keeping public debate on the airhead level. Laws and the public morals they help sustain, built over centuries of painful trial and error, can be subverted and inverted in a trice of public inattention.

The whole idea of a responsible government, is that it must answer to the public will -- something deeper than the latest poll results. The courts in such a system do not make law, but apply it. For even a court creating a precedent must found that precedent in principles previously established. Parliament alone is the legitimate source of legal innovations, for that is where a governing party will stand or fall on what it does, and where future governing parties may correct a disastrous mistake.

Quite terrible corruption follows from the loss of that clear principle -- when governments decide they haven't the guts to make hard decisions, and leave them all to be made by the courts.

Still, life goes on, for very few single, irreversible decisions have the power to demolish the political order. They only do incidental cumulative damage. Eventually, however, weakened by one hit after another, the political order does come down.

Let me explain how this must happen in Canada, a country with an unrevolutionary people, but with a constitution that now engulfs it in perpetual revolution.

This was the genius of Trudeau's "patriation" of the British North America Act in 1982. He got his Charter of Rights and Freedoms embedded in it -- by the British Parliament, since it couldn't be done here. He also embedded an amendment formula that requires the complete support of the federal and all provincial governments for the duration of three years to make any change, no matter how inconsequential. The "three years" was the ingenious part -- at least one of those governments must itself change in that time.

Therefore -- as Meech Lake proved -- the Canadian constitution became unamendable, but with Trudeau's Charter now on board. In order to change any part of it, one must now overturn the whole thing. In the case of Meech Lake, the specific measures could be killed by just one member, talking out the clock in the Manitoba legislature -- even after all ten premiers and prime minister had agreed and held their agreement for the required three years: a stupendous and unrepeatable achievement of pure negotiation, no matter what you thought of the Meech Lake agreement itself.

The Reform/Alliance opposition have never fully got this: that ANY constitutional proposal will go the way of Meech Lake. Their talk about e.g. Senate reform is thus completely aery-faery. It can't be done, so long as Prince Edward Island is willing to stand, even for a moment, in the way (and P.E.I. is not the only province that ever had a vested interest in a status quo).

It is thanks to this unamendable 1982 constitution, that the courts now rule Canada. It took them more than a decade to discover how much power Trudeau's Charter had given them, and taken away from Parliament; but they did finally figure it out, and are now driving an endless revolutionary agenda, from Canada's madrasas -- our radical law schools. Some of us warned this would happen back in 1982. The cart of history rolled over us.

Yes, Canada is going to hell in a handcart. But not just any handcart. It is the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, pulled by the ghost of Pierre Elliot Trudeau.
davidwarrenonline.com



To: NickSE who wrote (2625)6/23/2003 10:48:33 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793917
 
SCRAPPLEFACE

Gephardt Issues Order Making Himself President

(2003-06-23) -- Just a day after announcing that he would use executive orders to overturn Supreme Court decisions, Rep. Dick Gephardt, D-MO, announced today that he has appointed himself President of the United States, effective immediately.

"I have duly sworn myself in as president," he said. "Instead of having the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court administer the oath of office, I just issued an executive order effective retroactively in advance."

President Gephardt has already issued an executive order making it illegal to "challenge the constitutionality of my reign as president."



To: NickSE who wrote (2625)6/25/2003 5:31:58 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793917
 
Let's be fairer to some than to others
By Wesley Pruden
THE WASHINGTON TIMES
Published June 24, 2003

The pols love a mealy-mouth Supreme Court decision, especially close to an election year. And why not? The punt is the favorite ploy in any pol's playbook.
George W. no doubt had his fingers (or at least his unseen toes) crossed when he said he "applauds" the court for upholding race as a means of deciding who's more equal than others, and for "recognizing the value of diversity on our nation's campuses." He looks forward to the day when the race hustlers are in the graveyard and America is a colorblind society. But Karl Rove can be glad we don't have to be colorblind yet, because race can be a useful bipartisan hustle.
He didn't quite say it that way, because George W. is, after all, our No. 1 pol, and a colorblind society would put the race hustlers out of business. (The Rev. Jesse Jackson would have to get a job.) The Republican campaign slogan, even for Republican tough guys, is always the same: "We're Republicans, but we're not as bad as you think."
A muddle-headed split decision, as in the Michigan case, gives all pols cards to play. Sen. John Edwards, the zillionaire trial lawyer, was the first Democrat to get his spin machine spinning. His typical Democratic response echoed George W.'s argle-bargle about diversity. "The court affirmed America's commitment to equal opportunity and justice," he said, and offered a caution to the White House, which may think the no-yes-maybe by the court defuses the issue for '04.
The 5-to-4 margin, he said, "underscores the importance of nominating and confirming justices committed to upholding civil rights." Translation: "It's important to keep the White House intimidated, and the close vote will do that and galvanize our troops besides. We can't wait."
The court's tortured ruling debunks once more the myth that the Supreme Court is above politics. The five majority justices upheld the University of Michigan Law School policy of granting extra rights to minority applicants, but ? with a grudging nod to the Constitution ? only as long as the extra rights are called spinach, or broccoli, or something else. The undergraduate schools can't award points as long as they're called points. Sandra Day O'Connor, a nice white lady who wanted to do something nice for the colored folks (and came up with only a bowl of mush), wrote that "effective participation by members of all racial and ethnic groups in the civic life of our nation is essential if the dream of one nation, indivisible, is to be realized."
Mrs. O'Connor cited the Bakke decision, which a generation ago upheld using race to determine qualifications in college admissions, but the language of her majority decision invokes instead a whiff of the corpse of Plessy v. Ferguson, the 1896 separate-but-equal doctrine that became the legal sustenance for Jim Crow. This court endorses the view, she wrote, that student-body diversity is a "compelling state interest that can justify the use of race." This is not so far removed from the essence of the Plessy view that keeping the races separate, compelling to a 19th-century court however wrong-headed it was, justified the use of race.
The Michigan decision, wrote Chief Justice William Rehnquist for the four dissenters, "is precisely the type of racial balancing that the court calls 'patently unconstitutional.' " The Michigan scheme is "a naked effort to achieve racial balancing."
No wonder that Mrs. O'Connor, invoking her womanly right to a change her mind, then switched sides and joined the chief justice and his band of brothers in the Constitution to knock down racial discrimination in undergraduate admission.
The president of the University of Michigan professes to be elated, naturally, citing it a "resounding affirmation" of campus racialism, boasting that the clanging and banging would be heard "across the land from our classrooms to our corporate boardrooms." Curt Levey, the lawyer for the three losing white law-school plaintiffs, hit closer to the mark. He said the court had invited decades of continued litigation. The court itself would agree. That's what a punt is all about.
The court's offering of mush might have been avoided if the Bush administration had made a strong, principled argument instead of offering a weak and tepid defense of the constitutional notion that all Americans are held to be equal in the sight of the law, a notion often honored in the breach in years past. A president never looks good riding sidesaddle, as the master of Prairie Chapel Ranch could have told him.
We all have a duty ? a Christian duty, as it might have been called in the fashionably dishonored past ? to lend a helping hand to those who need help, and particularly to those whom we injured in the past. But the judicial ratification of racial discrimination is something we thought we had, at great pain and cost, relegated to that past. We clearly have not. Not yet. The Supreme Court is not finished with this.

Wesley Pruden is editor in chief of The Times.

dynamic.washtimes.com



To: NickSE who wrote (2625)6/30/2003 12:15:38 PM
From: NickSE  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793917
 
Calif. Near Financial Disaster
Hours Remain to Solve $38 Billion Shortfall

washingtonpost.com

LOS ANGELES -- Any day now, community colleges here may begin telling faculty members that they cannot be paid and students that summer classes are canceled.

Nursing homes are losing so much state aid that many soon may have to shut down or limit their services, a prospect that has elderly residents confused and frightened.

As many as 30,000 government workers who had been expecting pay raises in the fall are instead receiving formal notices warning that they could lose their jobs by then, because the state is broke.

This is life in California, on the brink of a fiscal disaster.

[cont'd...]