Sen. John Edwards was widely panned after an appearance on "Meet the Press" last year, and in January, he called Tim Russert and said he wanted to come back.
But Edwards has apparently thought better of a Russert rematch. "There's a great elite audience that watches 'Meet the Press,' but that's not the audience we need to reach this summer," spokeswoman Jennifer Palmieri says.
Insiders call it the Russert Primary, and no television show looms larger in presidential politics these days. As Howard Dean learned two weeks ago, faltering on "Meet the Press" brings an avalanche of negative headlines. But a strong appearance can kick-start a campaign.
"It's important that we try to find out who these men and women are and what they believe," says Russert, who keeps "voluminous" files on every White House contender. "The easy thing is to provide free time for infomercials."
Russert's prosecutorial approach -- "You said this in 1991, let's put it on the screen" -- turns each interview into a deposition. If the candidate has uttered an inconsistency since the dawn of Nexis, Russert's five-member research team, led by executive producer Betsy Fischer, has likely vacuumed it up.
"The reason I developed the technique," Russert says, "is that it became so tiresome having these trivial discussions where the guest says, 'I didn't say that' or 'You took it out of context.' I said, let's end all that and put it on the screen.
"A lot of shows on television, particularly on cable, are 'Ladies and gentlemen, I want you to know what I think.' That's not what 'Meet the Press' is all about."
The NBC Washington bureau chief has been aggressive since taking over the program 12 years ago, but as he has grown in confidence, he has been more willing to chide -- critics would say badger -- the candidates, as if he were debating them. And he knows something about that format. After Russert quizzed Hillary Rodham Clinton and Rick Lazio in a 2000 Senate-race debate, a New York Times critic complained that Russert's "self-aggrandizement . . . made him a performer rather than a moderator."
Although Russert can seem overbearing at times, he insists: "I'm never rude to people, but I do try to engage."
The other Sunday talk shows are important as well, but the "Meet the Press" cachet involves more than just the program's top-rated audience of 5 million. The host is willing to devote 30 or even 45 minutes to a sustained inquisition, and the pundits chew over these clashes for weeks.
"It's a clear test of your campaign," says Chris Lehane, a strategist for Sen. John Kerry. "You know he's going to be coming after you with both guns. . . . People evaluate you not just on how you handle the substance of the questions but how you handle the pressure of the situation."
But an official with another presidential campaign whose man was roughed up by Russert says: "I simply do not understand why candidates continue to commit hara-kiri by going on that show. It's going to be less about the news of the day and what your vision is and more about trapping you." Agrees an adviser to another contender: "It's only news if you do badly."
White House aide Adam Levine plays Russert in mock interviews with administration officials booked on the program. "It is by far the hardest show to prepare for but also the show they most look forward to doing," he says. Russert "pulls quotes that even the people who said them don't remember. But if you've done your homework, you're going to get a fair shake."
Levine says he studies Russert's interviews, tries to duplicate his research and scrutinizes his "Today" show commentary for clues to the questions.
One likely area involves budget deficits and Social Security, a Russert obsession. When he asked Dean about once having called for cutting Social Security benefits, the former Vermont governor said: "I don't recall saying that, but I'm sure I did if you have it on your show, because I know your researchers are very good." Dean added that Social Security is "actually in fine shape until, I don't know, 2040 or something like that."
"No, no, no, no, no," Russert interrupted, adding: "When the baby boomers retire, we have a real impending crisis." Dean quickly backed off.
In February, Russert asked Dick Gephardt: "You still regret your vote for the Ronald Reagan 1981 tax cut?" Gephardt admitted it was "not a good vote."
In January, Russert pressed Joe Lieberman about his 1995 criticism of affirmative action, which the senator now says he supports: "You took to the Senate floor and said this: 'Affirmative action is dividing us in ways its creators could never have intended' . . . Jesse Jackson said your position, as stated there, was indistinguishable from Jesse Helms."
In June 2002, Russert asked Kerry: "So you're in favor of postponing or delaying or canceling the Bush tax cut for wealthiest Americans?"
"What I said, Tim, was that's not the choice we face," Kerry replied.
"Well, why isn't it the choice?"
In May 2002, when Edwards was criticizing President Bush's budget, Russert demanded: "Specifically, what program would you cut? What taxes would you raise to avoid tapping into the Social Security surplus?"
Ironically for Dean, it was a more successful appearance with Russert last July that first brought attention to his long-shot candidacy. " 'Meet the Press' really helped launch me," Dean said last fall.
Russert also played a role in the 2000 campaign, pressing Bush about whether he had ever used drugs (the candidate wouldn't answer) and whether he would meet with a gay Republican group (he said no).
Some strategists say the program's impact is overstated by the chattering class. "Edwards says he's been on more Sunday shows than he's ever watched," says Palmieri, the senator's spokeswoman.
A onetime Democratic operative, Russert says some viewers think he's a left-winger when he grills Republicans and a conservative when he's hard on Democrats. He says he's merely following the mantra of longtime moderator Lawrence Spivak: "Find out everything you can about the guest and then take the other side."
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