SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: American Spirit who wrote (21175)6/27/2003 5:26:58 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
I think Kerry should team up with Senator Graham (who has never lost an election) or with General Wesley Clark -- might be a winning combination.



To: American Spirit who wrote (21175)6/28/2003 10:19:18 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
The Ends Still Don't Justify the Means
________________________

By Robert Scheer
Syndicated Columnist
AlterNet
June 26, 2003
alternet.org

There was a time when the sickness of the political far left could best be defined by the rationale that the ends justified the means. Happily, support for revolutionary regimes claiming to advance the interests of their people through atrocious acts is now seen as an evil dead end by most on the left. Immoral and undemocratic means lead inevitably to immoral and undemocratic ends.

Unfortunately, junior Machiavellis claiming to wear the white hat still are running amok among us. This time, however, they are on the right, apologists for the Bush administration arguing that noble ends justify deceitful means.

With the administration's core rationale for invading Iraq – saving the world from Saddam Hussein's deadly arsenal – almost wholly discredited, the Republicans now want us to believe that any distortions of the truth should have been forgotten once we took Baghdad.

As Newt Gingrich put it last week: "Does even the most left-wing Democrat want to defend the proposition that the world would be better off with Saddam in power?"

The quick answer is that we don't know what the future holds for Iraq. Our track record of military interventions in the Middle East and elsewhere would lead any competent historian or Vegas bookie to conclude that a stable secular dictatorship is about the best outcome we can predict. But the larger, more frightening meaning of Gingrich's statement is that in order to rid the world of a tinhorn dictator who posed no credible threat to the United States, it was just dandy to lie to the people.

It was OK to lie about the nonexistent evidence of ties between Hussein and Al Qaeda. It was OK to lie about the U.N. weapons inspectors, claiming they were suckered by Hussein. It was OK to lie, not only to Americans but to our allies in this war, about "intelligence" alleging that Iraq's military had chemical and biological weapons deployed in the field. Only it's not OK. Washington's verbal attack on the U.N. inspectors, for example, is of no small consequence, undermining global efforts to prevent nuclear weapons proliferation.

Meanwhile, to justify a political faction's blunder we ignore core values upon which this country was built. The New York Times on Friday blithely referred to the use of "coercive" measures in interrogating former Iraqi scientists and officials. Apparently, protections in international treaties for political prisoners do not apply to us.

Similarly, the indefensible gambit of preemptive war has seriously damaged two of this nation's most precious commodities – our democracy and the reputation of our form of government. By giving Congress distorted and incomplete intelligence on Iraq, the Bush administration mocks what is most significant in the U.S. model: the notion of separation of powers and the spirit of the Constitution's mandate that only Congress has the power to declare war.

Is this an exaggeration? Consider that on Oct. 7, 2002, four days before Congress authorized the Iraq war, President Bush asserted that intelligence data proved Iraq had trained Al Qaeda "in bomb making and poisons and deadly gases." Yet no such proof existed. Never in modern times have we beheld a Congress so easily manipulated by the executive branch. Last week, the Democrats on the Senate Intelligence Committee caved in and dropped their opposition to closed hearings on whether Congress was lied to. How can they not be open to the public, which is expected under our system to hold the president and Congress accountable?

To be sure, many Americans were never fooled, and many more have become upset at seeing continuing casualties and chaos in Iraq after Bush's pricey aircraft carrier photo op signaled that the war was over. But much of our public has been too easily conned. For contrast, consider that in Britain the citizens, Parliament and media have been far more seriously engaged in questioning the premises of their government's participation in the invasion of Iraq.

This administration's behavior is an affront to the nation's founders and the system of governance they crafted. It is sad that we now have a president who acts like a king and a Congress that acts like his pawn.

_________________

*This column was also published in last week's Los Angeles Times.

latimes.com



To: American Spirit who wrote (21175)6/29/2003 8:52:17 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
Still reeling, Democrats struggle over '04 strategy

boston.com

By Anne E. Kornblut,
Boston Globe Staff
6/29/2003

PHOENIX -- After the Democrats suffered a wave of defeats in the 2002 midterm elections, party officials rebounded with a promise to sharpen their strategy and emerge reinvigorated well ahead of the 2004 campaign.

More than six months later, however, as Republicans sweep up tens of millions in donations nationwide, many Democratic officials and party faithful say they are still struggling to regain their footing, and are daunted by the next task: Trying to unseat President Bush and win back control of at least one house of Congress.

''There's no question that there is deep doom and gloom, among both congressional Democrats that I've talked to and national Democrats,'' said Phil Clapp, director of the National Environmental Trust, which works closely with Democrats. ''They have to get over it, or they won't have a chance in 2004.''

Last week, the House and Senate passed a sweeping Medicare drug coverage bill, which Bush is likely to sign -- stealing thunder from the Democrats on one of their core issues. This weekend, as Democratic candidates gathered in Phoenix to address Hispanic officials at an annual conference, some Democrats admitted they are facing a real fight for the Latino vote, a growing electorate that has voted heavily Democratic in the past but is now a major target of the White House.

''The problem with the Democratic Party is it has taken the Hispanic vote for granted,'' Governor Bill Richardson of New Mexico, the highest-ranking elected Hispanic official in the country, said yesterday. He also said that, more broadly, ''the Democratic Party has had a problem articulating an economic message to all voters,'' and that the party must work to explain to voters why its policies are better for Hispanics and the rest of the electorate.

Latinos are the fastest-growing group of voters in the country. Since winning 35 percent of the Hispanic vote in 2000 -- the highest percentage of any Republican since Ronald Reagan in 1984 -- Bush has been courting Latinos aggressively, and White House strategists hope to win more than 40 percent in 2004. ''The issue is an erosion,'' Richardson said. If the Democrats were to dip down to winning 59 percent of the Hispanic vote ''in a presidential election, it could be a deciding factor.''

Senior White House political strategist Karl Rove is aware of that dynamic, and it is part of his far-reaching strategy to build a lasting Republican coalition in the 2004 election. Bush administration officials expect a close election, but they hope to make gains in Democratic territory that last into future decades, by making inroads in the Latino community, among Catholics, and with labor unions and Jewish voters.

Bush is on course to have $200 million in his reelection coffer by the end of this year; in a single swing through California on Friday, he was expected to raise $5 million, about as much as each of the top Democratic candidates was able to raise in the three-month period between April and June. Despite predictions that Bush would suffer because of a faltering economy, his approval ratings are holding steady, and his emphasis on the war in Iraq and terrorism have drowned out most Democratic attempts to return the focus to the domestic agenda.

Privately, Democratic strategists say they swing between moments of despair -- especially as they watch their nine presidential candidates battle to define the party's ideology -- and cautious hope. ''We are near rock bottom,'' one strategist in Washington said. ''The good news is, there's nowhere to go but up.''

There are reasons to believe that Democratic morale is excessively low -- including recent polls that show that despite Bush's approval ratings, no more than half the country, and perhaps as little as 45 percent of the country, would vote to reelect him in 2004. The economy has not rebounded, and George H. W. Bush had similar ratings to his son's at this point in his presidency before losing to Bill Clinton.

At the same time, Democrats are seeking to recover lost ground, considering the formation of a cable television network that would counter the powerful core of conservative talk-show hosts, and creating ambitious new think tanks, including one being formed in Washington by former White House chief of staff John Podesta, who expects to operate a $10 million annual budget.

The 2002 midterm elections prompted a split within the party, as some argued that Democrats had grown too similar to Republicans, too afraid to stake out their own positions, and had abandoned their liberal roots. Moderate Democrats, by contrast, argued that they had brought the party back to life in the 1990s after years of liberal stagnation under Reagan and the elder President Bush, and that in order to win important swing states Democrats should embrace the centrist shift.

The ideological debate has grown more intense with the surge of Howard Dean, the former governor of Vermont and a relative unknown who appears to have captured some support from disaffected Democrats with his populist, blunt style.

''I share some of the frustration -- not because of where Bush is, or all the money he's raising, but because I want a little more of Harry Truman in the party,'' said former Illinois senator Paul Simon. ''I want us to stand up and be willing to take unpopular stands.''

He continued: ''For that reason, Howard Dean, who comes out of nowhere, almost -- with all due respect to Vermont -- he has picked up a lot of steam because there is a feeling that here is a guy who really is fighting for things.''

Several Democratic operatives, however, said that Dean is spoiling the party's chances of picking a nominee who is capable of beating Bush. ''There's clear frustration, but I also think there's a determination'' within the party to find a nominee who can win, said Rich Masters, a consultant who until recently served as communications director for Senator Mary Landrieu, Democrat of Louisiana. The problem with the current style among Democrats, Masters said, is that ''the more we scream and yell, the louder, the hotter the rhetoric gets about George W. Bush, that doesn't help us. We need to articulate a message, and we haven't done that yet.''

Speaking to participants at the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials yesterday, two Democratic candidates said that ''electability'' is as important as ideology. ''We've got to win,'' Representative Richard A. Gephardt of Missouri said. Gesturing to the five other candidates who participated in the forum, Gephardt said, ''We've got to take this country back.''

Senator John F. Kerry of Massachusetts said in his closing remarks, ''Most of all, we need a nominee who can win.'' And in a jab at Dean and others who have accused centrists of mimicking Bush -- a jab that indicated the ongoing struggle for the ideological soul of the party -- Kerry said, ''The one thing we don't need or need to be is a second Republican Party.''

This story ran on page A1 of the Boston Globe on 6/29/2003.

© Copyright 2003 Globe Newspaper Company.