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Politics : The Iraq War And Beyond -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Ed Huang who wrote (191)7/6/2003 12:01:16 PM
From: BubbaFred  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 9018
 
Attacks By Iraqis Growing Bolder
Purported Hussein Tape Is Broadcast
By Rajiv Chandrasekaran
Washington Post Foreign Service
Saturday, July 5, 2003; Page A01

BALAD, Iraq, July 4 -- As many as 50 resistance fighters ambushed a U.S. military patrol early this morning, while another group wounded at least 17 soldiers in a mortar strike on an American base near here, bold attacks that demonstrated new organizational and weapons capabilities, soldiers and military officials said.

The attacks occurred only hours before the Arab television station al-Jazeera broadcast a scratchy audiotape message from a man claiming to be former Iraqi president Saddam Hussein. The speaker, whose voice has not been authenticated but sounded similar to Hussein's, said he still was in Iraq and suggested he was helping to direct assaults on U.S. forces.

He asserted that guerrilla "cells and brigades have been formed" and urged people to help the resistance effort, saying he hoped "the coming days will, God willing, be days of hardship and trouble for the infidel invaders."

The speaker also mocked the Bush administration's justification for invading Iraq, saying: "Where are these weapons of mass destruction?"

The recording, which the speaker said was made on June 14, is the first purported audio message from the former Iraqi leader since an Australian newspaper reporter received a tape on May 5 that contained the voice of a man claiming to be Hussein. Al-Jazeera said it received the recording over the telephone today, a day after the United States announced a $25 million reward for the capture of Hussein or the confirmation of his death.

A U.S. official in Washington said the recording was being analyzed by U.S. intelligence agencies and that it was "premature to have a judgment on whether or not it is authentic."

U.S. military commanders and civilian reconstruction specialists in Iraq regard the capture or death of Hussein as vitally important to suppressing resistance activity and building confidence in the U.S.-led postwar occupation. The message, authentic or not, reinforced a widespread belief among ordinary Iraqis that Hussein is alive and continues to threaten the country's stability. Several Iraqis said they feared that the recording, which was replayed repeatedly on Arabic-language radio and television stations tonight, would fuel the resistance movement.

In Balad, a small farming town about 50 miles north of Baghdad, resistance activity already appeared to be in full swing. The mortar attack, which occurred late Thursday and wounded at least 17 members of the Army's 3rd Corps Support Command at a sprawling military base near the town, resulted in more injuries than any other single incident since President Bush declared major combat in Iraq over on May 1. The subsequent ambush of the military patrol on a highway south of Balad sparked one of the most intense clashes in the past two months, with soldiers killing 11 Iraqis during three separate firefights that spanned eight hours, military officials said.

No U.S. soldiers were wounded in the ambush.

It began a few minutes before midnight when several Iraqis fired guns and rocket-propelled grenades at a convoy of M2 Bradley Fighting Vehicles and Humvees from the U.S. Army's 3rd Infantry Division that was patrolling the main highway between Baghdad and the northern city of Mosul, said Staff Sgt. Christopher McDaniel of Fort Worth, who led the patrol.

He said the patrolling soldiers -- all of whom were from the 3rd squadron of the division's 7th Cavalry -- immediately returned fire, killing several of the attackers and sending others fleeing.

While most of the soldiers were involved in the firefight, which occurred just north of Balad, a small contingent of troops headed south along the highway to establish radio contact with their base, he said. When they met up with northbound reinforcements about four miles south of the attack, they were ambushed again from sunflower fields that line both sides of the road, prompting soldiers to return fire with their M-16 rifles and the Bradley's 25mm cannon.

McDaniel said his soldiers were fired upon for a third time when they returned to the site of the initial ambush to retrieve the bodies of the victims and collect their weapons.

He said about 50 people were involved in the three ambushes. He said his troops recovered 11 bodies from the three attacks. Local residents said several Iraqis appeared to have been wounded.

First Sgt. Gary Gilmore of Newman, Ga., called the attack "the biggest one we've had" since Hussein's government was toppled. "They seemed to know what they were doing," he said.

Most attacks on U.S. forces in Iraq have involved small groups of gunmen, usually fewer than a half-dozen. A U.S. official said he had not heard of another attack involving as many as 50 people working together. "This is unusual and concerning," the official said. "A group of 50 suggests a degree of organization we haven't seen before."

The divided highway, which follows the Tigris River, is a key supply route for the U.S. military -- and a favorite target for resistance forces. Several convoys have been hit on the road in recent weeks, prompting some soldiers to drive their Humvees at more than 60 mph.

Gilmore said the soldiers have not yet determined whether the attackers live in the Balad area. A former member of Hussein's Republican Guard who now works as a farmer and lives near the site of the first ambush said the attackers were not local residents. But the locals, he said, do not like the presence of U.S. troops in the area.

"The only wish for the people now is the return of Saddam," said the soldier-turned-farmer, Faik Madina, 27. "The people here love Saddam because from the time we opened our eyes, he was doing good to us. He never harmed us like the Americans."

Less than two hours before the first ambush, four mortar shells were fired into the grounds of Camp Anaconda, a large U.S. base near Balad, said Capt. Sandra Chavez, a press officer for the Army's 4th Infantry Division. Of the 17 soldiers hurt in the incident, two were wounded seriously, she said.

Mortars, which can be fired from as far as four miles away, are a growing part of the fight against U.S. troops, allowing resistance fighters to attack heavily guarded bases in addition to shooting at convoys and troops guarding public buildings.

Military officials said the frequency of mortar attacks has increased in recent days. A mortar round landed this week within the grounds of the Baghdad International Airport, a high-security facility where the top U.S. military commander in Iraq works. In Ramadi, a town about 60 miles west of Baghdad, soldiers from the Army's 3rd Armored Cavalry Regiment have had their field headquarters, located in one of Hussein's palace compounds, pelted with mortars for three nights this week. Wednesday night and Thursday morning, five mortar rounds fell just north of the compound, said Sgt. First Class Gary Qualls, a spokesman for the regiment.

Because the mortars typically are fired off in rapid succession by people who then flee, it has been difficult to capture any of the assailants. At the same time, that tactic means the attackers do not have time to observe their shots and adjust their targeting.

"We're fortunate that they're just shooting and running," said Capt. Michael Calvert, the regiment's press officer. "But the worry is that over time, they'll become more accurate."

In Baghdad, a soldier guarding the Baghdad Museum was killed by sniper fire on Thursday evening, military officials said. The soldier, Pfc. Edward J. Herrgott of Shakopee, Minn., was manning the gunner's hatch of a Bradley parked in front of the museum, which features wax figures depicting life in Baghdad a century ago.

In the quotes that were broadcast on al-Jazeera, which appeared to be excerpts from a longer recording, the speaker said he and his supporters had faced "a lot of trouble in getting our voice to you even though we have been trying."

The speaker urged Iraqis "to protect these heroic fighters and not give the infidel invaders any information about them or their whereabouts during their operations."

In an apparent attempt to explain why Hussein and his top aides fled as U.S. troops advanced on Baghdad, the speaker said: "What happened has happened. We sacrificed what we sacrificed -- our rule, but not our principles."

"We did not stab our people or our nation in the back," the speaker insisted.

"I miss you all," the speaker said, "even though I am in your midst."

washingtonpost.com



To: Ed Huang who wrote (191)7/6/2003 12:56:50 PM
From: BubbaFred  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 9018
 
Culture shock and awe
By Pepe Escobar

It didn't have to be this way. But because of heavy-handedness and cultural insensitivity, the American occupation force has now lost the support of the three key Shi'ite leaders in Iraq - allies through circumstance until now.

The Grand Ayatollah Ali Husseini al-Sistani announced last Saturday the issuing of a fatwa against an "illegitimate" constitution "if it is not adopted by an Iraqi government elected by the people". Young cleric Muqtada al-Sadr - whose religious family is highly influential in Iraq - has denounced American "terrorism". And Mohammed Baqr al-Hakim, the president of the Supreme Assembly for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SAIRI) , has said on the record that an Iraqi administration named by American proconsul L Paul Bremer would be "illegal".

Bremer's task for Iraq is to form a political council of 25 to 30 Iraqis. This council, approved by Bremer, will then appoint ministers and be consulted on all key decisions, which will then be made by Bremer himself. Bremer said on Tuesday that this "provisional authority" was expected to be set up by mid-July. It's now clear that the project has been flatly rejected by the moderate yet heavyweight al-Sistani, "The project in question is fundamentally unacceptable." While he still condemns the non-stop attacks against the Americans and the British, he is at pains to point out that "the [occupation] authorities don't enjoy any prerogative to appoint the members of the assembly charged to elaborate the constitution". United Nations special envoy Sergio Vieira de Mello has witnessed first-hand the impatience and anger of the all-powerful al-Hawza - the "Shi'ite Vatican" in the holy city of Najaf. On Saturday, Vieira de Mello had a long conversation (behind closed doors) with al-Sistani, and then with al-Hakim and al-Sadr.

No leaders in Najaf - or anywhere in Iraq for that matter - have forgotten the promise made in February by the American special envoy to deal with the Iraqi opposition. Zalmay Khalilzad promised then that the government of the country would be handed over to Iraqis once the war ended. Al-Hakim is now saying that an Iraqi government should be formed soon "to work to end the occupation by peaceful means".

Vieira de Mello is now fully aware of the balancing act that he will have to perform to bridge the gulf between not only the Sunni community, but between the dominant Shi'ites (62 percent of the population) and the "occuliberators" (as the Americans have been dubbed by observers). Even though Shi'ite religious leaders are still talking about cooperation with the Americans and a strategy of non-violence, there is now a completely different ball game.

The best indication is the fact that al-Sistani told Vieira de Mello to deliver "a message to Paul Bremer" - implying that direct contact was not welcomed any more. The UN special envoy did not - and certainly could not - elaborate, but the message was almost certainly news about the fatwa declaring that an Iraqi constitution written by the Americans or even by Iraqis appointed by the Americans would be "illegitimate". Al-Sistani is clear: a new constitution can only be written and approved by popularly-elected Iraqis.

As for SAIRI leader al-Hakim - who recently came back from exile in Iran - he is following with great interest the American campaign of "de-Ba'athization" of Iraqi society. But his warning mirrors the ayatollah's: "If Mr Bremer himself names an administration and a group of officials, it will be illegal. It will be against the UN resolution. It will be against George [W] Bush's promises that Iraq must be a free and democratic country, a sovereign country liberated from foreign influence." Al-Hakim stresses that as long as American military and diplomats control the political process, "the country will not be stable".

For his part, al-Sadr, while denouncing "the American occupation legitimized by the UN", wants "a representative government of the Iraqi people" as soon as possible. He echoes what is arguably the consensus among Iraqis: "Saddam [Hussein's] regime was unacceptable, but the foreign occupation is also unacceptable." On the heavy-handed behavior of American troops, the young al-Sadr pointedly says "one does not combat terrorism with terrorism".

Saddam's regime vanished on April 9, almost three months ago. Baghdadis have had enough. Power cuts are the norm: homes are deprived of drinking water and air-conditioning with temperatures hovering above 40 degrees Celsius. The Americans blame the cuts on sabotage. Military Humvees with loudspeakers tour the city with the message that electricity will be back "as soon as possible". Baghdadis interpret it otherwise: a wide consensus in the streets is that the Americans are trying to sap the morale of the population, and then tighten their grip.

Iraq is a cauldron of mixed emotions. Although their living conditions are poor, it's fair to say that the majority of Baghdadis don't want the Americans to leave - at least for now: this would be the road to civil war. But they are practically unanimous in their critique of both American inertia - in terms of improving living conditions in the capital - and obsession with their own security: American soldiers only move in convoys and with their hands on the triggers of their M-16s. The outside world can follow daily on television footage of US soldiers frisking Iraqi women through their traditional abbaya. It is arguable that the killings of innocent Iraqi women and children would have been avoided if American soldiers had been taught to speak at least 10 basic words in Arabic - as well as to pay attention to basic religious and cultural norms in the Arab world.

Just like after the war on Afghanistan, the Americans once again have squandered their accumulated capital of good will in Iraq . Al-Hakim always mentions the force of "public opinion". The Shi'ite spiritual leaders' new attitude towards the Americans is nothing but a reflection of popular anger. Unlike Sunnis, Ba'athists or not, related or not to Saddam's promise of a guerrilla war against the foreign invaders, the Shi'ites may not want the Americans out by now. But they are making it very clear that the Iraqi population will not bend to Bremer's diktats.

"Vietnamization" may be too overstretched a concept - at least not before the real force and extent of Saddam's announced intifada for the end of the month is revealed. But "quagmire" is now a more than realistic scenario. The US cannot leave Iraq because - in a very Chinese way - it would lose tremendous face. But if does not show a little more humanity and sensitivity towards the plight of Iraqis, it is bound to be attacked non-stop, Vietnam-style. Former counter-insurgency specialist Bremer may be just another casualty in a litany of monstrous mistakes. Iraqis - a very sophisticated and well-educated people carrying in their collective unconscious the lessons of 7,000 years of civilization - cannot but see the writing on the wall.

The awesome American military machine was able to smash the remnants of a pitiful Iraqi army who dared to show up for battle, but it cannot assure a minimum of security for the civilian population. There has been no post-war humanitarian plan, because the whole Iraqi operation has been directed by the Pentagon - which is not exactly a humanitarian organization. The first thing to be protected once Saddam's regime fell were Iraqi oil installations, but the protection of Iraqi power plants seem to pose an unsurpassable military challenge.

The questionable legality of the war and the absence of weapons of mass destruction notwithstanding, the US is in Iraq, and there's no doubt that American credibility will be measured against the success of the Iraqi adventure. The de facto guerrilla situation is conditioned by two undisputed factors: a foreign invasion, and the unwillingness of the foreign invaders to restore order, basic public services and most of all, sovereignty to the Iraqi people. No matter the spin from Washington, for Iraqis, the American "liberation" thus far has been synonymous with foreign invasion, deprivation and chaos.

Bremer says that he will need more American troops. Bush, referring to the guerrillas, said "bring them on". He also said, "We have the force necessary to deal with the situation." Force won't do: political intelligence and cultural sensitivity will.

(Copyright 2003 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)

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