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Politics : WHO IS RUNNING FOR PRESIDENT IN 2004 -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: stockman_scott who wrote (2788)6/29/2003 8:25:52 AM
From: Glenn Petersen  Respond to of 10965
 
Still reeling, Democrats struggle over '04 strategy

boston.com

By Anne E. Kornblut, Globe Staff, 6/29/2003

PHOENIX -- After the Democrats suffered a wave of defeats in the 2002 midterm elections, party officials rebounded with a promise to sharpen their strategy and emerge reinvigorated well ahead of the 2004 campaign.

More than six months later, however, as Republicans sweep up tens of millions in donations nationwide, many Democratic officials and party faithful say they are still struggling to regain their footing, and are daunted by the next task: Trying to unseat President Bush and win back control of at least one house of Congress.

''There's no question that there is deep doom and gloom, among both congressional Democrats that I've talked to and national Democrats,'' said Phil Clapp, director of the National Environmental Trust, which works closely with Democrats. ''They have to get over it, or they won't have a chance in 2004.''

Last week, the House and Senate passed a sweeping Medicare drug coverage bill, which Bush is likely to sign -- stealing thunder from the Democrats on one of their core issues. This weekend, as Democratic candidates gathered in Phoenix to address Hispanic officials at an annual conference, some Democrats admitted they are facing a real fight for the Latino vote, a growing electorate that has voted heavily Democratic in the past but is now a major target of the White House.

''The problem with the Democratic Party is it has taken the Hispanic vote for granted,'' Governor Bill Richardson of New Mexico, the highest-ranking elected Hispanic official in the country, said yesterday. He also said that, more broadly, ''the Democratic Party has had a problem articulating an economic message to all voters,'' and that the party must work to explain to voters why its policies are better for Hispanics and the rest of the electorate.

Latinos are the fastest-growing group of voters in the country. Since winning 35 percent of the Hispanic vote in 2000 -- the highest percentage of any Republican since Ronald Reagan in 1984 -- Bush has been courting Latinos aggressively, and White House strategists hope to win more than 40 percent in 2004. ''The issue is an erosion,'' Richardson said. If the Democrats were to dip down to winning 59 percent of the Hispanic vote ''in a presidential election, it could be a deciding factor.''

Senior White House political strategist Karl Rove is aware of that dynamic, and it is part of his far-reaching strategy to build a lasting Republican coalition in the 2004 election. Bush administration officials expect a close election, but they hope to make gains in Democratic territory that last into future decades, by making inroads in the Latino community, among Catholics, and with labor unions and Jewish voters.

Bush is on course to have $200 million in his reelection coffer by the end of this year; in a single swing through California on Friday, he was expected to raise $5 million, about as much as each of the top Democratic candidates was able to raise in the three-month period between April and June. Despite predictions that Bush would suffer because of a faltering economy, his approval ratings are holding steady, and his emphasis on the war in Iraq and terrorism have drowned out most Democratic attempts to return the focus to the domestic agenda.

Privately, Democratic strategists say they swing between moments of despair -- especially as they watch their nine presidential candidates battle to define the party's ideology -- and cautious hope. ''We are near rock bottom,'' one strategist in Washington said. ''The good news is, there's nowhere to go but up.''

There are reasons to believe that Democratic morale is excessively low -- including recent polls that show that despite Bush's approval ratings, no more than half the country, and perhaps as little as 45 percent of the country, would vote to reelect him in 2004. The economy has not rebounded, and George H. W. Bush had similar ratings to his son's at this point in his presidency before losing to Bill Clinton.

At the same time, Democrats are seeking to recover lost ground, considering the formation of a cable television network that would counter the powerful core of conservative talk-show hosts, and creating ambitious new think tanks, including one being formed in Washington by former White House chief of staff John Podesta, who expects to operate a $10 million annual budget.

The 2002 midterm elections prompted a split within the party, as some argued that Democrats had grown too similar to Republicans, too afraid to stake out their own positions, and had abandoned their liberal roots. Moderate Democrats, by contrast, argued that they had brought the party back to life in the 1990s after years of liberal stagnation under Reagan and the elder President Bush, and that in order to win important swing states Democrats should embrace the centrist shift.

The ideological debate has grown more intense with the surge of Howard Dean, the former governor of Vermont and a relative unknown who appears to have captured some support from disaffected Democrats with his populist, blunt style.

''I share some of the frustration -- not because of where Bush is, or all the money he's raising, but because I want a little more of Harry Truman in the party,'' said former Illinois senator Paul Simon. ''I want us to stand up and be willing to take unpopular stands.''

He continued: ''For that reason, Howard Dean, who comes out of nowhere, almost -- with all due respect to Vermont -- he has picked up a lot of steam because there is a feeling that here is a guy who really is fighting for things.''

Several Democratic operatives, however, said that Dean is spoiling the party's chances of picking a nominee who is capable of beating Bush. ''There's clear frustration, but I also think there's a determination'' within the party to find a nominee who can win, said Rich Masters, a consultant who until recently served as communications director for Senator Mary Landrieu, Democrat of Louisiana. The problem with the current style among Democrats, Masters said, is that ''the more we scream and yell, the louder, the hotter the rhetoric gets about George W. Bush, that doesn't help us. We need to articulate a message, and we haven't done that yet.''

Speaking to participants at the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials yesterday, two Democratic candidates said that ''electability'' is as important as ideology. ''We've got to win,'' Representative Richard A. Gephardt of Missouri said. Gesturing to the five other candidates who participated in the forum, Gephardt said, ''We've got to take this country back.''

Senator John F. Kerry of Massachusetts said in his closing remarks, ''Most of all, we need a nominee who can win.'' And in a jab at Dean and others who have accused centrists of mimicking Bush -- a jab that indicated the ongoing struggle for the ideological soul of the party -- Kerry said, ''The one thing we don't need or need to be is a second Republican Party.''

This story ran on page A1 of the Boston Globe on 6/29/2003.
© Copyright 2003 Globe Newspaper Company.



To: stockman_scott who wrote (2788)6/29/2003 9:06:57 AM
From: Raymond Duray  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 10965
 
Bush Protest in L.A.

BUSH: You Lied, You're Fired! -- CODE PINK

la.indymedia.org

la.indymedia.org

la.indymedia.org

Don't look for this in the mass media!



To: stockman_scott who wrote (2788)6/29/2003 9:26:35 AM
From: Glenn Petersen  Respond to of 10965
 
Bob Graham: Centrist With a Tilt to the Left

Florida senator, who blends liberal stances with strong national security record, tries to shed image as a longshot


cache.unicast.com

June 29, 2003

2004: THE DEMOCRATIC HOPEFULS.

By Nick Anderson, Times Staff Writer

MIAMI LAKES, Fla. -- Since his first run for public office in 1966, Bob Graham has been unbeatable in Florida. He's been a state legislator, a two-term governor and now a U.S. senator for 16 years and counting.

His resume, his sun-creased face, even his offbeat neckties with Florida-inspired patterns have made Graham a walking emblem of a state seen as crucial to Democratic hopes of winning the White House. But although the party craves Florida's 27 electoral votes, time and again its presidential nominees have shied from elevating Graham onto the national political stage.

Each of the last three Democratic nominees — Michael S. Dukakis, Bill Clinton and Al Gore — considered Graham as a running mate. All passed on him.

The latest near miss, a fateful turn in light of George W. Bush's overtime victory in Florida, still rankles Graham's friends and family. They believe their man would have given Democrats a convincing win — no recounts, no lawsuits, no hanging chads — in the state that decided the 2000 election.

"If Al Gore had picked my dad to be vice president, Al Gore would be president right now," said Gwen Logan, the eldest of Graham's four children, all daughters.

Now it is Graham who is running for president, offering himself as a seasoned lawmaker with executive credentials, an expert on national security and terrorism, a centrist who tilts to the left on issues important to core Democratic constituencies.

But his political vulnerabilities also are being exposed as he labors to prove that he belongs in the first rank among nine candidates in the Democratic race.

Despite his enduring popularity in Florida, Graham must struggle to build even minimal name recognition in other states. He is the oldest candidate, at 66, and weathered major heart surgery this year. His speeches often lack pizazz. And he is being questioned again, as he has been in the past, about his long-standing custom of keeping to-the-minute records of daily events — trivial and significant — in small, color-coded notebooks.


Graham and his allies say his notebooks help him stay organized in the hectic environment of the Capitol. But he also chronicles such minutiae as what he ate for breakfast and the length of airplane flights he takes.

Shortly after one recent news story described Graham's habit as "obsessive," his office announced it was reversing its pledge to make the notebooks available to reporters wanting to read them. "It's time to move on," said Graham spokesman Paul Anderson.

It also was the type of flap that didn't help Graham overcome perceptions that he is a longshot candidate. One rival, Howard Dean, recently dismissed Graham as "not one of the top-tier candidates."

The former Vermont governor later expressed regret for his comment. And the Graham camp said Dean should beware of underestimating the former governor of a state that dwarfs the one he comes from. One independent analyst agreed.

Graham "is a serious candidate until proven otherwise," said Michael Barone, author of the Almanac of American Politics. "I can't rule out [the] possibility that he's going to catch fire."

But in a sign that even Graham is hedging his bets, he has left the door open to a run for a fourth Senate term in 2004.

Graham has deep political roots in Florida. His father was a dairy farmer who represented a state Senate district near Miami (his mother was a schoolteacher).

Graham's family also has strong Washington connections. His late half brother, Philip Graham, was publisher of the Washington Post from 1946 to 1961, and Philip's son, Donald, is now the paper's chairman. Graham calls his half nephew "Donny."

After graduating from the University of Florida in 1959 and Harvard Law School in 1962, Graham became wealthy at a young age when he helped turn the old family dairy into what is now the small city of Miami Lakes. He and his wife of 44 years, Adele, live here in a modest two-story townhouse with a view of a man-made lake. They dote on 10 grandchildren, who call her "Deedle" and him "Doodle."

As governor of Florida from 1979 to 1987, Graham oversaw a booming state economy that created more than 1 million jobs. He also dealt with the devastation caused by hurricanes and urban riots, as well as social problems caused by the massive influx of Cuban and Haitian refugees.

In Washington, Graham is widely viewed as a heavyweight on national security. He's a former chairman of the Senate Select Intelligence Committee who helped lead a congressional inquiry into government missteps that preceded the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. Rep. Porter J. Goss of Florida and Sen. Richard C. Shelby of Alabama, Republicans who teamed with Graham on the probe, are among those who praised his handling of the issue.

Graham was one of the 23 senators who opposed last fall's congressional resolution that authorized President Bush to use force against Iraq, but his reasoning differed from that of many of the measure's foes. He warned that overthrowing Iraqi President Saddam Hussein's regime was not as important as pursuing a broader war against terrorism. He continues to assert that the war with Iraq was a distraction that diverted resources better used against terrorist cells in other countries.

Indeed, Graham comes across as more hawk than dove. He backed the 1991 Persian Gulf War. Last October, he sought to authorize military strikes against militant groups such as Hamas and Hezbollah.

On domestic issues, Graham oscillates between the centrist and liberal wings of his party. Graham the liberal backs abortion rights, gun control and affirmative action and voted against Bush's tax cuts in 2001 and 2003.


Graham the centrist backs free trade and balanced budgets and would allow Bush tax cuts that have taken effect so far to stand. As governor, he reinstated Florida's death penalty in 1979 over sharp protests and signed dozens of death warrants.

In making the case for his candidacy, he cites his Southern background as evidence of his "electability." But at a recent gathering of the candidates in South Carolina, he showed little strength compared with rivals from other regions.

"That was a huge weekend," said Joe Erwin, chairman of the South Carolina Democratic Party. "So many of the other candidates' teams were very well-organized. They had public displays of that organization. And Graham just kind of shows up and people are going, like, 'Oh, is that Bob Graham?' "

Erwin's conclusion: "Graham can still get into this game and be a factor, but he's got a lot of catching up to do. He's way behind right now."

Graham blames that on his campaign's late start.

While other Democrats were blitzing the country last year, the ongoing Sept. 11 inquiry forced Graham to wait. So did his health. In late January, surgeons replaced his aortic valve with one from a Holstein cow, performed a double-bypass procedure and plugged a pinpoint hole between the upper chambers of his heart. The surgery addressed a condition first identified in 1995.

Graham said that he feels healthier than ever and that the surgery cured a chronic shortness of breath. "Now they're telling me my heart is better than it probably has been in a decade," he said.

Keen to erase any doubts voters might harbor about choosing the oldest candidate in the Democratic field, Graham is seeking to project vigor. To that end, he is relying in part on a tactic that helped him win his first gubernatorial race in 1978: "workdays."

Graham has done more than a year's worth of workdays during his career. He has picked tomatoes, scaled fish, made Cuban sandwiches, paved asphalt and hauled garbage. In May, Graham put in his 387th workday in New Hampshire as a high school civics teacher, and his 388th in Iowa as a busboy.

He credits the practice with giving him "literally hundreds" of ideas to pursue as governor or senator, and showing him slices of life that politicians rarely glimpse from the dais, the lectern or the limousine. Before the workdays, he went by D. Robert Graham. Afterward, he was just plain Bob.

"Fundamentally, what they have meant to me is the chance to get close to people in the space and place where they work," he said. "It gives you a storehouse of stories you can tell, and that helps you relate to an audience."

Lately, Graham has been scouring his home state for cash in advance of Monday's second-quarter deadline for reporting contributions. A strong showing, he knows, is needed to boost his presidential prospects.

One sunny weekend this month, he came back to Florida to raise money, skipping multi-candidate forums in Minnesota and Chicago.

As the flight from Washington landed in Miami, Graham checked his wristwatch and observed, with a chuckle, that the flight had lasted two hours, 19 minutes and 42.22 seconds. He rounded it to 2 hours, 20 minutes, and made an entry in his notebook.

ABOUT THIS SERIES>

This is the sixth installment in a weekly series profiling the candidates for the 2004 Democratic presidential nomination.

For the Q&A, the candidates are responding in writing to an identical set of questions, and their responses have been edited for space.

ON THE WEB>

Other profiles of the 2004 Democratic hopefuls are available at

www.latimes.com/candidates