SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: JohnM who wrote (3149)7/4/2003 11:09:06 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793716
 
What these private plans will do is cut down on the number of Government employees working for and contributing to the Dems, while increasing the contributions from the private firms to the Repubs. It is known as "defunding the left." :>)

Government Bets Private Plans Are Able to Improve Medicare
By REED ABELSON - NEW YORK TIMES

The last time Congress tried to promote private health plans as a panacea for Medicare's high costs, the effort proved a bitter disappointment.

Now six years later, President Bush and Congress are trying again. Last week the Senate and House passed similar measures giving the 40 million Americans on Medicare the chance to receive a prescription drug benefit either under the traditional, government-run Medicare program or under new programs offered by private health plans. The government hopes that, by encouraging beneficiaries to enroll in the private plans of their choice, it can rein in Medicare costs through the discipline of the free market.

Proponents argue that the new measures provide more money to the private plans and that, ultimately, the private sector can provide better care for less money. But some policy analysts say that private health plans have never proved to save significant sums of money and that Washington is at risk of repeating its mistake of trying to encourage private health plans while keeping a lid on costs. It is also at risk of spending more on these plans without achieving the promised benefits.

Congress already seems amenable to paying the plans more to participate in the existing program, and legislators are discussing other ways of reducing the plans' financial risk.

Most analysts do agree that private plans may be able to provide the elderly and disabled with a broader, and more attractive, range of benefits than is now available under traditional Medicare. In addition to the drug benefit, the new plans will also offer checkups and other preventative care and, even more important, the ability to oversee and coordinate the treatment of chronic or complicated conditions.

"We believe we are delivering a package of benefits that is value added to the traditional program," said Dr. John W. Rowe, the chairman and chief executive of Aetna, a large insurer that now provides coverage under Medicare.

But analysts worry that similar plans have never met the expectation of saving a lot of money in the long run.

Over the last 30 years, Medicare has more effectively controlled health care costs than private insurers did, according to a recent study by the Urban Institute. The study found that since 1970 spending per enrollee had grown an average of 9.6 percent a year at Medicare, and 11.1 percent at private insurers.

In 1997, under a program called Medicare+Choice, the government tried to encourage the elderly to enroll in H.M.O.'s, including well-known health companies like Aetna. But then medical costs began to rise sharply and the federal government reduced payments to the plans as part of a larger clampdown on Medicare costs under the Balanced Budget Act of 1997. The plans could then no longer afford to offer the generous benefits that lured people to enroll in the first place.

Half of the plans disappeared and many others cut benefits drastically. Today there are 4.6 million Medicare beneficiaries enrolled in managed care, more than 25 percent fewer than there were six years ago.

According to Stuart H. Altman, a health care policy professor at Brandeis University, the private plans operate under a number of disadvantages to the traditional Medicare program. First, Medicare operates with much lower administrative costs: those costs eat up as much as 15 percent of the revenue of private plans. Medicare's administrative costs are typically one-fifth that. Second, Medicare is able to drive a much harder bargain with hospitals and doctors than the private plans can.

"It turns out that administered pricing has been an effective way to control costs," said Nancy-Ann DeParle, one of the administrators who headed Medicare under the Clinton administration. In an analysis she wrote for the Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law on why so many plans left after the Balanced Budget Act of 1997, Ms. DeParle said the government's goal of saving money conflicted with the desire to encourage the development of the health plans in the market.

"The fundamental problem is that we still have not figured out how to save money with managed care in Medicare and maintain, at the same time, its attractiveness to beneficiaries," Ms. DeParle concluded in the article.

Even in their most comprehensive forms, managed-care plans have demonstrated an ability to achieve only modest savings delivering Medicare benefits, according to a recent article posted on the Web site of the academic journal Health Affairs by Marsha Gold, a senior fellow at Mathematica Policy Research.

Health plans do not participate in Medicare in some areas of the country, like West Virginia and South Dakota, where negotiating with doctors and hospitals is difficult. Ms. Gold said that may not change under the new law. "You can't just legislate and expect them to come," she said.

While the health plans say they are effective at controlling costs in some markets, even they acknowledge there are places where they cannot negotiate low enough prices. In rural areas, for example, hospitals and doctors are forced to charge more for their services because they have fewer patients.

The current proposals seem to acknowledge some of the cost problems. Health insurers are lobbying both the House and Senate to increase payments to existing private Medicare plans.

The House bill calls for some $1 billion in additional payments over the next two years, said Paul Heldman, an analyst with the Schwab Washington Research Group. "In order to get the health plans to participate," he said, "you have to make it attractive for them to play."

Congress has also already decided to pay rural providers more although it has not worked out the details, said Karen M. Ignagni, the president of the American Association of Health Plans. "They also need to acknowledge this challenge on the private side of the marketplace."

Congress could set the prices for the providers there that contract with the plans or pick up the additional costs in some other fashion, she said.

Ms. Ignagni is also adamant that Congress increase the payments to plans under the current program. "That provides a very strong foundation for moving forward."

But some analysts are wary of paying more in order to create the kind of competition envisioned by President Bush and members of Congress. Paul B. Ginsburg, the president of the Center for Studying Health System Change, likens it to a tariff offered to a fledgling industry. "The main problem is that the tariff fosters the industry and you can't get rid of the tariff," he said.

Ms. Deparle says she thinks that if legislators choose to encourage the plans by paying them to participate they should not expect significant savings that would improve Medicare's financial condition. "These two bills are not primarily about preparing for the baby boomers and saving the Medicare trust fund," she said.

The current legislation, which is now before a House-Senate conference committee to resolve differences, also would encourage preferred provider organizations to offer Medicare benefits. The P.P.O.'s are seen as a more palatable alternative to the H.M.O.'s that people have come to complain about. But P.P.O.'s may be even less successful in controlling costs and managing care, some analysts say.

The problem is that the plans that allow people to go outside their network to see a doctor or get treated in a different hospital have grown in popularity as a way for businesses to shift more of the costs of care onto the consumer. "The private plans gives one an easy tool to use to contain costs in the future: the ability to create a defined contribution system," where the government is only obliged to pay a certain amount towards care, said Marilyn Moon, a senior fellow at the Urban Institute who served as a trustee for the Medicare and Social Security trust funds.

"I think that's a quiet way for Congress to allow it to happen without being explicit that it is sticking it to the beneficiary," she said.

But Ms. Ignagni of the health plans' association says the organizations can make use of the same tools that traditional plans can to coordinate care and provide better benefits. "Congress should be agnostic about the type of product offered," she said.

nytimes.com



To: JohnM who wrote (3149)7/5/2003 1:46:42 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793716
 
Rove Spends the Fourth Rousing Support for Dean

By Juliet Eilperin - Washington Post

Saturday, July 5, 2003; Page A05

Talk about lining up the competition. President Bush's chief political adviser has seen the possible presidential candidates among the Democrats and has found one he apparently thinks his man can beat: former Vermont governor Howard Dean.

Karl Rove tried to stir up enthusiasm for Dean marchers yesterday at the 37th annual Palisades Citizens' Association Fourth of July parade along the District's MacArthur Boulevard, which always attracts plenty of politicians.

As a dozen people marched toward Dana Place wearing Dean for President T-shirts and carrying Dean for America signs, Rove told a companion, " 'Heh, heh, heh. Yeah, that's the one we want,' " according to Daniel J. Weiss, an environmental consultant and former political director of the Sierra Club who was standing nearby. " 'How come no one is cheering for Dean?' "

Then, Weiss said, Rove exhorted the marchers and the parade audience: " 'Come on, everybody! Go, Howard Dean!' "
Music Icon Shills For Kucinich

Presidential candidate Howard Dean may be the Democrats' best-financed lefty, but progressive Rep. Dennis J. Kucinich (D-Ohio) had his own victory to announce last week: the endorsement of country-western icon Willie Nelson.

"I am endorsing Dennis Kucinich for president, because he stands up for heartland Americans who are too often overlooked and unheard," Nelson said. "A Kucinich administration will put the interests of America's family farmers, consumers and environment above the greed of industrial agribusiness."

Nelson said he planned concerts to help fill Kucinich's campaign coffers.

Kucinich was thrilled. "It's an honor to earn the support of a man who has come to symbolize the best values of America," he said.
Calif. Recall Gains Favor

A majority of voters polled by the Los Angeles Times believe California Gov. Gray Davis (D) should be recalled in a special election. The newspaper polled 1,412 adults, 1,127 of them registered voters; 51 percent favored a recall, 42 percent were opposed and the rest were undecided.

Recall support had grown since March, when 39 percent of those polled by the Times said it was the way to go. The good news for Davis in the latest poll, conducted from June 28 to July 2 with a margin of error of plus or minus 3 percentage points, is that many who thought ousting him was a good idea balked when they learned a special election to do just that would cost $25 million or more, the Times said.

Recall backers announced on Thursday they have at least 1 million signatures on petitions for counties to validate. Recall opponents told the Associated Press they have 1.1 million signature, but under California law, their petitions don't count.

washingtonpost.com



To: JohnM who wrote (3149)7/5/2003 5:44:50 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793716
 
If you are going to teach reading, writing, or Arithmetic, it might help to have a degree in English, Science, History or Math, instead of a Masters in Education. From "Hoover Digest.

EDUCATION:
What Makes a Good Teacher?

Hanna Skandera and Richard Sousa
Hanna Skandera is a research fellow and Richard Sousa is senior associate director and a research fellow at the Hoover Institution.

Over the past 30 years public school teachers have been receiving more education, yet student achievement scores continue to languish. What has gone wrong?

An ongoing debate surrounds the preparation and qualifications that characterize high-quality teachers. Relative to other fields, disputes regarding the knowledge and competency that should be required of teachers are particularly striking. Many agree that teachers should possess a strong basic knowledge of the subjects they teach, but does that knowledge necessarily translate into effective teaching? Over time, teachers' education levels have increased, while student achievement rankings have not.

The type of academic degree held is one measure used to determine teacher qualifications. During the 1960s, the percentage of teachers with advanced degrees began to increase. A majority of public school teachers (56.2 percent in 1996) now have advanced degrees (see figure 1 ). Furthermore, heightened awareness regarding teacher education levels has been accompanied by encouraging teachers, particularly those in secondary schools, to have an academic major such as English, math, or history rather than a degree in education.

Although there has been a dramatic increase in the percentage of teachers who hold advanced degrees, in most fields, teachers do not hold degrees in the field in which they teach (see figure 2 ). Considering all primary subjects, in 1999, nearly 34 percent of public school teachers in grades 7 through 12 were teaching without a college major or minor in the academic field in which they were teaching. Contrasting the U.S. experience with 38 other countries that participated in the Third International Math and Science Study?Repeat, on average 71 percent of eighth-grade math teachers majored in mathematics in college, compared with only 41 percent of American eighth-grade math teachers. Moreover, it appears that the more technical the subject, the less likely it is for the teacher to have advanced preparation in the subject.

According to Richard Ingersoll's 1999 report in Educational Researcher, which studied 7th- through 12th-grade public school teachers,

- One-quarter of all English teachers did not have a major or minor in English, literature, communications, speech, journalism, English education, or reading education.

- One-third of all life science teachers did not have a major or minor in biology or life science.

- More than half of all history teachers did not have a major or minor in history.

- More than 56 percent of all physical science teachers did not have a major or minor in physics, chemistry, geology, or earth science (see figure 2).

Teacher education, as we know it, is not the sole solution to an improved education system. Whereas teachers? formal education levels have increased over the past 30 years, student achievement during that period has remained flat on a national level and has fallen in international comparisons. Placing a greater emphasis on having teachers obtain an academic degree rather than an education credential might be a good starting point for increasing student performance in the technical fields.
www-hoover.stanford.edu



To: JohnM who wrote (3149)7/5/2003 10:44:28 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793716
 
Ashcroft Aide Under New Scrutiny
By ERIC LICHTBLAU - NEW YORK TIMES

WASHINGTON, July 4 - When Attorney General John Ashcroft challenged his prosecutors to a pickup basketball game a few months ago at the F.B.I.'s underground court, his squad of aides looked overmatched. The prosecutors had the height and the bulk on their side, but the attorney general had a secret weapon: an unassuming and not particularly athletic-looking Justice Department official named Glenn A. Fine.

Mr. Ashcroft's pick should not have surprised anyone well versed in Ivy League basketball records. Mr. Fine was such a standout guard at Harvard University that he was drafted by the San Antonio Spurs of the N.B.A. in 1979. Though he is a bit past his prime now, his precision passing and quick dribbling helped lead Mr. Ashcroft's undersized team to a rout. The attorney general himself sank the game-winning shot.

Mr. Fine has a knack for quietly making people take notice of him, and he has been doing it the last few weeks off the court. As the Justice Department's inspector general, Mr. Fine delivered a report last month on suspects in the terrorist attacks on Sept. 11 that has become the talk of the law enforcement and civil rights communities, and has led to considerable scrutiny of his occasional teammate, Mr. Ashcroft.

In the three years since President Bill Clinton named Mr. Fine inspector general, his office has examined many weighty issues, like how the F.B.I. misplaced thousands of pages of documents involving Timothy J. McVeigh, the Oklahoma City bomber, and why immigration officials sent visa approval notices for two 9/11 hijackers to a Florida flight school six months after the attacks.

But none of his prior investigations, Mr. Fine said in an interview, have attracted the kind of global interest seen in his report on the 9/11 detainees. The report criticized the prolonged detentions and occasional physical abuse of illegal immigrants with no clear ties to terrorism, and it generated headlines from Australia to Ireland that spoke of the "unduly harsh" conditions.

Mr. Fine credits the attention in part to the fact that many outside groups had been pushing unsuccessfully to get information about more than 700 illegal immigrants locked up after the attacks. With the cooperation of the Justice Department, he said, "we had access to information that other people just didn't have access to."

The attention generated by the report represents a career pinnacle for Mr. Fine, 47, a graduate of Harvard Law School who passed up the chance to go to training camp with the Spurs in 1979 and instead became a Rhodes scholar.

"My future was not as a professional basketball player," said Mr. Fine, who stands 5-foot-9 but still ranks among the career Ivy League leaders in assists. "Not many people drafted in the 10th round make it, so it was not really a tough choice."

But it was apparently the right one. The response to his report has been immediate. Mr. Fine was the star witness at a hearing the Senate Judiciary Committee held on the report last week, and both Republicans and Democrats praised his work.

Senator Orrin Hatch, the Utah Republican who is chairman of the panel, told Mr. Fine that the report was both comprehensive and disturbing. Senator Russell D. Feingold, Democrat of Wisconsin, said it should serve "as a powerful reminder to Congress and the American people" about the importance of internal watchdogs in government.

Law enforcement officials are to respond to Mr. Fine this month on the 21 recommendations in the report, and many have indicated that they will adopt most of them. The Justice Department's planned reforms include clearer criteria for labeling terrorism suspects, improved communication between counterterrorism agents and immigration officials, and better training of guards.

"This is a Justice Department with a penchant for secrecy, and Glenn Fine's office has played a critical role in shining a light on the department's actions after 9/11," Anthony Romero, executive director of the American Civil Liberties Union, said.

But while civil liberties groups have publicly called Mr. Fine a hero, the private reaction from some conservatives has been less charitable.

An internal analysis of the report, prepared by House Republican staffers and circulated in the last several weeks on Capitol Hill, said that it was "full of unwarranted criticisms and highly dubious recommendations." The analysis added that the report did "a grave disservice" to Mr. Ashcroft and others.

The unsigned assessment, labeled "Talking Points on DOJ IG Report," concluded: "If the report's only achievement was to be a kick in the teeth to the Department of Justice employees whose dedicated work has prevented there from being another major terrorist attack in the U.S., it would be merely contemptible. However, the report will likely leave a deadlier legacy. It will have a chilling effect on aggressive immigration law enforcement."

Mr. Fine said he had heard about the talking points and accepted such spirited criticism as part of the job for any inspector general. "That goes with the territory," he said.

Mr. Ashcroft has said that while he wishes his department could have processed illegal immigrants more quickly through the detention system, "we make no apologies" for holding suspects as long as necessary to rule out terrorist links.

Under federal law, Mr. Ashcroft could have moved to block the release of Mr. Fine's report on national security grounds. He did not do so, officials said, but Mr. Fine's office was asked to change some sections that officials said could hurt the department's efforts to defend against suits by 9/11 detainees. Mr. Fine told the Senate Judiciary Committee that he declined to make the changes.

As critical as the report was, some Justice Department officials said it could have been worse.

The report, for the most part, did not criticize Mr. Ashcroft or top officials by name. It focused instead on policies and practices that Mr. Fine maintained were poorly handled.

A senior aide to Mr. Ashcroft said the attorney general bore no ill will toward Mr. Fine over the findings.

Mr. Fine said he did not think his relationship with Mr. Ashcroft would suffer. "The attorney general has always said to me, `There will be reports that aren't pleasant to hear about,' " he said. "I think he understands my role."
nytimes.com