SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : WHO IS RUNNING FOR PRESIDENT IN 2004 -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: calgal who wrote (3121)7/7/2003 4:47:12 PM
From: calgal  Respond to of 10965
 
No common cents

By Donald Lambro

URL:http://www.washingtontimes.com/commentary/20030706-104814-7160r.htm

Something must be in the water here, because the same old economic myths are being repeated every year as the gospel truth.
Politicians love to spread these fictions because they offer convenient, easily accepted answers to difficult problems. The national media are frequently all too eager to promote these myths — when it fits their liberal agenda.
Over the years, I have attempted to collectively dispel some of these myths in my column. Here are some of the worst, and my reasons why they are patently untrue:
Myth: Budget deficits cause interest rates to rise.
There is no connection between them. Interest rates skyrocketed in the 1970s when the deficit was relatively low, and fell in the 1980s as the deficit rose to record levels. Interest rates dropped again in the 1990s, when we had budget surpluses, and fell further in recent years as the deficits shot up again.
Myth: The deficits and federal debt will impose huge long-term burdens on future generations of taxpayers.
The national debt is an instrument of fiscal policy. People, banks and other institutions lend the government needed money and get a return on their investment.
But in an $11 trillion economy, and in a government that rakes in more than $2 trillion a year, some debt is not necessarily bad. To the feds, it can be a short-term liability that will be paid in due course, often at low interest rates. To the lender, it is a financial asset that is as good as gold.
In good times, when the economy is growing rapidly (as we saw in the go-go '90s), budget surpluses can pay down the debt relatively quickly. Indeed, budget officials forecast in the late '90s, before the bubble burst, that the public debt owed to outside lenders would be paid off in 15 years — the length of a common home mortgage.
Myth: Trade deficits are bad for America.
On the contrary, they are a sign of our growing affluence. We buy much or most of what we produce, but as a result of our wealth as a nation, we have enough left over to buy a lot of imported stuff, too.
We sell roughly $1 trillion in goods and services abroad each year, which helps keep a lot of Americans employed. But we spend more on imported goods, creating a trade deficit. The opposite is not necessarily a good thing. We had trade surpluses during the Great Depression. Japan ran surpluses, but it has been in a recession for two decades.
Myth: Free-trade agreements destroy American jobs.
You tend to hear this more when our economy is in a periodic slump, but it is a phony charge.
Jobs were plentiful in the 1990s, although we were just as aggressively engaged in global trade, particularly under the successful North American Free Trade Agreement. The U.S. unemployment rate dropped to below 4 percent at the end of the '90s, when the biggest problem facing businesses was finding enough labor for jobs that went unfilled.
Unemployment is now a little more than 6 percent, though that has a lot to do with weak trading partners who need to cut their tax burdens, reduce or eliminate their trade tariffs, deregulate their economies and open their markets to foreign investment.
Myth: The government needs to further regulate the economy to prevent corporate abuses and bring down excessive pricing, particularly in the health-care industry.
Ohio Rep. Dennis Kucinich, a Democratic candidate for president, says he wants to "take the profit out of the health-care industry." But, looking at the history of the free market, one sees that, over time, the markets find ways to bring down their costs and lower their prices.
In the 1970s, IBM sold its mainframe 370-168 computer for $3.4 million. Now you can buy a personal computer for around $800 that is about 1,000 times faster. When the cellular phone first appeared, it cost more than $200. Now, companies give them away when you buy into a service plan.
Countries such as the former Soviet Union and pre-capitalist China, both of which took the profit motive out of their economies, plunged ever more deeply into poverty and social decay. Their shift toward free markets and capitalism has turned them into two of the fastest-growing economies on the planet.

Donald Lambro, chief political correspondent for The Washington Times, is a nationally syndicated columnist.



To: calgal who wrote (3121)7/7/2003 5:02:13 PM
From: calgal  Respond to of 10965
 
Trip Marks President's Turnabout On Africa







By Michael Dobbs
Washington Post Staff Writer
Monday, July 7, 2003; Page A01

George W. Bush dismayed many Africa experts during the 2000 presidential election debates when he announced that Africa was low on his list of foreign policy priorities and that he would not have sent U.S. troops to Rwanda to prevent genocide.

Nearly three years later, as President Bush leaves for his first visit to Africa today, the same experts have been struck by the amount of attention his administration has paid to a part of the world frequently ignored by U.S. policymakers. Economic and humanitarian assistance is up, the president has met personally with 22 of 48 African leaders, and Washington is closely involved in attempts to bring peace to Sudan.

Now, in a striking departure from Bush's insistence during the election campaign that he was flatly opposed to nation-building, the president seems poised to approve the first U.S. military intervention in Africa since the "Black Hawk Down" fiasco in Somalia a decade ago. The Pentagon has drawn up plans for the dispatch of about 2,000 U.S. troops to the West African state of Liberia, and White House officials talk about a strategic and moral obligation to prevent "failed states" from becoming breeding grounds for terrorism.

"The Bush administration has spent much more time on Africa than I would have imagined," said Kenneth Bacon, who was Pentagon spokesman during the Clinton administration and now heads Refugees International, a Washington-based relief organization. "It's been a real surprise."

Opinions remain divided over whether the president is prepared to back up his rhetoric with meaningful action to alleviate the problems of some of the world's poorest, most desperate countries. Some experts argue that U.S. assistance to Africa barely scratches the surface of a devastating HIV-AIDS crisis that is killing millions of people every year. Others are waiting to see whether the predicted U.S. intervention in Liberia, whose ties to the United States go back to its founding as a homeland for freed slaves in 1822, will succeed in halting a brutal, 13-year civil war.

Bush's willingness to focus attention on Africa reflects the growing influence of an eclectic lobbying coalition that includes aid groups, religious organizations, entrepreneurs and the Congressional Black Caucus. Christian evangelical groups, for example, claim much of the credit for persuading Bush to appoint a special presidential envoy to Sudan to stop the persecution of largely Christian southerners by the Muslim north.

Administration officials say that Bush's involvement with Africa has also been shaped by the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on New York and the Pentagon, which demonstrated the perils of ignoring failed states. For the White House, Bush's five-day, five-nation trip to Africa is an opportunity to demonstrate that the president is guided by his heart as well as his head, and that values are an important component of U.S. foreign policy.

"I'll be carrying a message [that] America cares about the future of Africa," Bush told African journalists last week. "It's in our national interest that Africa become a prosperous place. It's in our interest that people will continue to fight terror together. It's in our interest that, when we find suffering, we deal with it."

Some lobbyists on African issues and representatives of humanitarian groups remain deeply skeptical of the administration's efforts and say the president's trip is largely an exercise in public relations. "The U.S. gives almost no help to Africa. It's all talk," said Jeffrey D. Sachs, director of Columbia University's Earth Institute and a spokesman for the Global AIDS Alliance. "Our aid to Africa amounts to $4 per American per year."

According to the Congressional Research Service, U.S. development assistance to sub-Saharan Africa increased to slightly more than $1 billion this year from $738 million in 2000, the last year of the Clinton administration. The Bush administration has also pledged $15 billion for combating the global AIDS crisis over five years, much of which would go to Africa, and $5 billion for a proposed three-year "Millennium Challenge Account," restricted to countries that have shown progress in consolidating democracy. Earlier this month, Bush announced an initiative on counterterrorism, earmarking $100 million for five key African allies.

Critics argue that many of these programs exist only on paper and still have to be funded by Congress. Even so, the amount allocated represents a significant increase in the U.S. commitment to Africa, said Ted Gagne, a specialist in African affairs at the Congressional Research Service. "Our expectations were very low that this president would seriously engage Africa," Gagne said. "We misjudged him."

In some ways, Gagne and others say, Bush has displayed more interest in Africa than his Democratic predecessor, Bill Clinton, who was so traumatized by the Somalia imbroglio that he refused to intervene to prevent the massacres of millions of Rwandans in 1994. Clinton waited until his second term to visit Africa and to apologize to Rwandans for failing to "act quickly enough after the killing began."

"For almost five years after Somalia, the Clinton administration did not have an Africa policy," said Harry A. Johnston, a former Democratic congressman who chaired the House Committee on International Relations subcommittee on Africa. "It was almost immoral how we treated that continent." Johnston recalled that, during his two years as presidential envoy to Sudan, he never once met with Clinton.

By contrast, Johnston said, the Bush administration's Sudan envoy, former Republican senator John Danforth, has easy access to the president and was appointed in a White House Rose Garden ceremony.

The treatment of the two Sudan envoys is not an entirely fair measure of the Africa policies of the two administrations. The Clinton administration was reluctant to get deeply involved in Sudan because it suspected Khartoum of links to the al Qaeda terrorist organization. Africa experts say that the Bush administration's focus on Sudan has been motivated in part by the calls of conservative religious groups on behalf of Sudanese Christians.

"There's no question that evangelicals were critical in pushing the president to take a stand," said Richard Cizik, vice president for government affairs for the National Association of Evangelicals. "We are a constituency that represents 20 percent of the Republican base, and we are energized and want answers."

Some administration insiders say that the influence of the evangelicals on the president has been exaggerated. They say that Bush has listened to a wide range of people on Africa, from the rock star Bono to Secretary of State Colin L. Powell, the first African American to serve as the top U.S. diplomat. Powell, who has made two trips to Africa as secretary, has told associates that he is "deadly serious" about doing something about the problems of the continent.

Another African American, national security adviser Condoleezza Rice, has also played a role in igniting the president's interest in Africa. Briefing reporters in advance of the trip last week, Rice emphasized the peculiar ties between America and Africa, dating back to the slave trade. Describing slavery as America's "birth defect," she said that Bush felt an obligation to "bring about reconciliation."

An administration Africa expert pointed out that the Bush administration has already put "boots on the ground" in Africa -- several thousand Marines are serving in the East African state of Djibouti, as part of the war on terrorism. A former French colony, Djibouti has been a staging post for U.S. military assistance to Yemen and Kenya, two countries that have been targeted by al Qaeda.

Susan Rice, who was assistant secretary of state for Africa during Clinton's second term, said the "jury is still out" on whether Bush is prepared to invest real resources in Africa. "They have spent a lot of time on the Sudan issue, but haven't been very engaged in the Congo, and places like Burundi, where the Clinton administration was actively engaged."

Although she commended the administration for its initiatives against AIDS, she expressed concern that much of the promised $15 billion may never materialize. "There is a gap between making a splash in a State of the Union address and what actually comes out of the appropriations process," she said. "It's too backloaded. You can't backload a program when 5,000 people are dying a day. It should be an emergency salvage operation."

© 2003 The Washington Post Company



To: calgal who wrote (3121)7/7/2003 5:02:45 PM
From: calgal  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 10965
 
Getting Back on Track in Postwar Iraq



By Joseph I. Lieberman
Monday, July 7, 2003; Page A17

The opportunity to build a more stable and democratic Iraq, made possible by our stunning military victory, is now in jeopardy. We're seeing surprisingly fierce resistance to coalition forces and to our efforts to remake the country. But another kind of resistance is proving nearly as dangerous to our long-term security: the Bush administration's stubborn refusal to change course and build a safer postwar Iraq in partnership with the world.

Enough time has passed to conclude that what we are doing is not working. Iraqis are becoming convinced that we cannot -- or will not -- provide the security and basic services they need. The administration has postponed the transition to an Iraqi interim government and mishandled the efforts to get key allies on board, adding fuel to the fire of those who call this an occupation, not a liberation.

Saddam Hussein's loyalists, encouraged by rumors that he is still alive, are joining a growing number of angry and disillusioned Iraqis in a sustained guerrilla war against our troops. On average, one American soldier is dying each and every day. Our men and women in uniform are understandably puzzled and frustrated by this; as well-equipped and well-trained as they were for war, they were not prepared -- operationally or psychologically -- for this kind of peacekeeping.

We didn't send our young people to war unprepared; we must not ask them to keep a difficult peace without a clear strategy and adequate resources to do the job. As of today, they have neither. The unanswered question is whether the president is open to taking a new, more effective tack. So far in postwar Iraq, we see predetermined notions colliding with undeniable facts and refusing to yield.

During the 2000 campaign, George W. Bush and his supporters derided nation-building as a wasteful, liberal enterprise. They were wrong: It's vital to our security and the best way to conserve our victories in war in places like Afghanistan and Iraq. Bush and his team were so convinced that peacekeeping is a poor use of resources that they ordered the Army's Peacekeeping Institute to shut its doors, making the United States unique among our allies in lacking such an institution. They were wrong: Well-trained peacekeepers stabilize a country and keep our own soldiers safe.

Administration officials insisted that we neither wanted nor needed any help from friends and allies. Again, they were wrong. Sharing responsibility with other nations will provide more, not less, control over the chaos, help us build a more peaceful, stable and democratic Iraq and demonstrate to the Arab world that the United States is not an occupier and an enemy, as radicals have asserted.

It's not as if the president and his team didn't have plenty of warning. A similar dynamic played out in Afghanistan -- poor planning, little coordination and almost no follow-through. And many people, including me, admonished the administration about the price we would pay by repeating these mistakes in Iraq.

Nevertheless, this is no time for the administration to act defensive. This is a time for firm resolve and clear thinking, not overheated dialogue. What our troops need from their leaders are real tools to fight their real enemies -- not taunts inviting more attacks. The president's "bring 'em on" challenge, beyond being unpresidential, was unproductive. He shouldn't focus on getting a rise out of the insurgents but on getting the insurgents out of Iraq.

Fixing the problems of postwar Iraq and getting the region back on track to peace and stability demand an honest assessment of the mistakes made and swift action to fix the damage done. The recommendations that many of us made prior to and during the war are still applicable -- and workable. In particular, I would urge the president to take the following steps immediately:

? Commit more U.S. troops and resources to Iraq. Despite the president's assertion that we have enough troops there, we clearly need both more forces and the right kinds of forces -- and we need them now. In Kosovo today there are 16 peacekeepers for every 1,000 citizens; in Iraq, a much more dangerous and tumultuous place, the ratio is less than half that.

? Ask NATO to assume command of the forces in Iraq. America cannot sustain supplying 150,000 out of 160,000 of the troops on the ground for any length of time -- but the nations we need as partners are unwilling to join forces with us under unilateral American command. NATO command is the answer; as we saw in Kosovo, it works.

? Immediately release a plan and timetable for creating an Iraqi interim authority with a real stake in the country's political future. The administration's repeated postponements have sowed confusion, doubt and anger among ordinary Iraqis and emboldened the radicals and terrorists.

? Make clear to Iraq and the world that the critical decisions about Iraq's oil will be made by Iraqis, and set up an international monitoring agency to show that all oil deals are above board. After initial presidential platitudes that Iraq's oil is for Iraqis, the Bush administration has taken steps that would allow the U.S.-British coalition to control the flow of oil for some period of time. Iraq's oil -- the nation's heritage and its economic lifeblood -- must be controlled by Iraq's people. Every last penny must be invested in the country's reconstruction, and the world needs to know it.

? Develop a clear process and timetable under which the people of Iraq will shape their own permanent government. With cynicism this high, "trust us" won't work.

? Work with the Iraqi people and the United Nations to propose an orderly, fair and effective system for public prosecutions of Saddam Hussein and his loyalists. The Arab world needs to see that we believe in justice -- not just vigilantism.

Unlike some in my party who continue to question our use of force in Iraq, I have not wavered in my belief in the justness of the war we fought. In this, I know I am following in the proud tradition of Roosevelt, Truman, Kennedy and Clinton, all of whom were ready and willing to apply our military might when necessary to protect our security.

But those great Democratic leaders also recognized that force alone could not keep us safe. The same holds true today. If we are to win the wider war against terrorism, we must do more than throw Saddam Hussein out of power. We must lift up the moderate Muslim majority around the world and give them the tools to take down the radicals who want an endless holy war.

The best way to do that is by demonstrating -- through words and deeds alike -- that we are democracy-builders, not empire-builders; peacekeepers, not profiteers. If the Bush administration continues behaving as though "to the victor go the spoils," to the victor will also go all the responsibility, all the risks, all the wreckage -- and all the blame for what happened in Iraq after Hussein was gone.

The writer, a Democratic senator from Connecticut, is a candidate for president.

© 2003 The Washington Post Company