SI
SI
discoversearch

We've detected that you're using an ad content blocking browser plug-in or feature. Ads provide a critical source of revenue to the continued operation of Silicon Investor.  We ask that you disable ad blocking while on Silicon Investor in the best interests of our community.  If you are not using an ad blocker but are still receiving this message, make sure your browser's tracking protection is set to the 'standard' level.
Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Rascal who wrote (105800)7/16/2003 3:25:54 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 281500
 
Master Marketeers, headed by Carl ROve.

I am "Shocked, Shocked" that "The Nation" thinks that we are being maneuvered by language experts in the administration. Since they are the experts at verbiage, you would think that they would not give away their title too easily.

In other words, Rascal, don't expect anyone to be too impressed by an article from that left wing rag.



To: Rascal who wrote (105800)7/16/2003 3:40:50 PM
From: Sig  Read Replies (3) | Respond to of 281500
 
Bush approval/.disapproval poll ( per Wash Post)
9-6-01 55% app, 41% disap
9-25-01 90% apr 6% disap

3-20-03 67% appr 28% disap
4-9-03 77%appr 20% disap
pollingreport.com

And from your post of A Nation of Victims by RENANA BROOKS
<<<Poll after poll demonstrates that Bush's political agenda is out of step with most Americans' core beliefs.>>>
Can you explain where a 35% increase in approval (to 90%),or a 10 % increase is accomplished by being out of step with most Americans beliefs ?
Sig



To: Rascal who wrote (105800)7/16/2003 7:04:38 PM
From: KLP  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
heh. You can't have it both ways. Bush can't be dumb, and yet smart at the same time.

(KLP, esp.) again, heh.



To: Rascal who wrote (105800)7/17/2003 12:29:47 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
Bush Lies About Iraq Are Only The Symptom, Not The Disease

by Ira Chernus

Published on Wednesday, July 16, 2003 by CommonDreams.org

Sometimes it is a pleasure for a columnist to say "Maybe I was wrong." A few weeks ago, I wrote that most Americans don't care whether the Bush administration lied to take us to war in Iraq. In this postmodern world, I said, hardly anyone asks whether words match the factual reality. It's all just a kaleidoscope of media images, anyway. So evidence that our leaders lied is shrugged off.

Well, maybe I was wrong. The flap over the falsified intelligence reports on Iraq grows bigger every day. Now centrist pundits, like the Washington Post's venerable David Broder, warn that it could open the door to a Bush defeat in 2004.

Of course, Broder adds, Bush's re-election chances depend above all on what happens to the economy in the next 15 months. If we are still in the doldrums a year from October, the Democratic candidate will have one simple message: "It's the tax cut, stupid." Bush's tax giveaway busted the federal budget, lined the pockets of the rich, and did nothing for the rest of us.

Maybe the people will wake up from their postmodern slumber and begin to care about sifting truth from falsehood, in economic and foreign policy. But let's not ignore the effects of postmodernism too quickly. The mainstream press wants us to focus on one very specific lie: Iraq never tried to buy uranium from Niger. It's a typical postmodern soundbite. No big picture, no historical context, no larger implications.

This kind of thing can bring a president down. Richard Nixon did not resign because he was caught undermining fundamental principles of American democracy. He resigned only because he was caught lying about paying hush money to a few low-level operatives.

Do we want to defeat George W. because of one specific lie about Iraq, Niger, and uranium? Or because he lied about what the CIA told him about that specific issue? Maybe so. Maybe the end - ousting Bush - is so important that the means hardly matter. We could probably build an anti-Bush campaign on a series of very specific grievances, like the Iraq / Niger issue and the ongoing deaths of U.S. soldiers in Iraq, and have some chance of success.

But then we simply pave the way for a postmodern Democratic president who will manipulate media images as shamelessly as any Republican. We also endorse the same principle that Bush invokes to cover up his lies: the end justifies the means.

The Bushies invoke this principle on two levels. They tell the public that we are purely good and Saddam was utterly evil, so anything that helped to oust him was good-even a few little falsifications of fact. This is a powerful argument for most Americans. We ignore it at our peril. We have to be able to respond to it thoughtfully and persuasively.

Of course, the policy elite merely smile at such moralistic simplicities. They know that the real goal of U.S. policy is not to purify the world morally. It is the same goal U.S. leaders have been pursuing for decades: a unified global economic system, based on what they call "free market" principles. If lies and moral platitudes as well as bombs are needed to do the job, they say, so be it. The end justifies the means.

If we want to avoid that trap, we must resist not simply Bush, or the Republicans, but the whole postmodern impulse to substitute image for reality. Catchy soundbite images have their place. They can get people's attention. If the current flap about a single Bush lie opens a chink in his armor, it will also open some mainstream minds to an alternative message. It is an opportunity we cannot afford to miss.

But Bush's lies are only a symptom. We need to focus on the underlying disease. We must patiently explain the larger context and the principles on which our opposition to the Bush administration rests. We need an analysis that is clear, sophisticated, and true to reality. As the great poet says, we must know our song well before we start singing, cause it's a hard rain gonna fall.

Right now, we should be busy explaining why Bush's lies are merely a symptom. If you want to see the whole disease, look at the links between our economic woes and Bush's Iraq lies. Lies had to be told because Saddam had to go-not because he was a ruthless dictator, but because he was a successful model of resisting economic globalization. Now U.S. corporate interests are streaming into Iraq, buying up Iraqi assets at bargain-basement prices and elbowing out the Iraqi competition. The same tycoons who will reap the benefits of Bush's tax cut are also reaping the benefits of his war and the intimidation it was intended to spread around the world.

Ultimately, the links between the economy and foreign policy must be understood at a very abstract level. The globalization that U.S. leaders have pursued for decades is based on false principles. First, that society is collection of isolated, competitive individuals-a war of all against all. Second, that letting this war rage unchecked, in an unregulated, "winner-take-all," global market economy, creates a rising tide that raises everyone's boat. Third, that this same economy gives every poor person's children a chance to become fabulously wealthy. As long as people believe these principles, they will accept tax cuts for the rich at home, wars against the poor abroad, and the lies that are told to justify it all.

It's not enough to criticize. We must offer an alternative. We must explain over and over, in every possible way, that all of humanity is a single interwoven family. We all depend on each other. If you want to raise everyone's economic boat, watch the smallest, weakest, leakiest boat. When we cooperate to help the very neediest, and measure our own well-being by the well-being of the very neediest, that's when we all benefit the most. The U.S. cannot begin to lay claim to any pure goodness until our policies are based on these humane principles.

You need not be a Marxist to acknowledge what Marx proved: ordinary people can understand all this. Don't underestimate their intelligence. Give them a sophisticated, compelling analysis of the system that governs their lives, and they will take the time to study and understand it. They will begin to doubt the goodness of the system and the people who rule it. Give them an alternative that works better for them, explain it clearly, and eventually they will understand and embrace it. If we don't go beyond symptoms and postmodern soundbites - if we don't trust the intelligence of the people - we will never get to real democracy.
_____________________________

Ira Chernus is Professor of Religious Studies at the University of Colorado at Boulder
chernus@colorado.edu
_____________________________

commondreams.org



To: Rascal who wrote (105800)7/17/2003 12:42:35 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
The Press Gives Bush A Free Ride On His Lies

by Robert Kuttner

Published on Wednesday, July 16, 2003 by the Boston Globe

I'M GLAD THAT the press is finally making an issue of President Bush's knowing use of a faked intelligence report on Iraq's supposed nuclear weapons program. But most of the press keeps missing the behind or who actually benefits from the tax cuts or what kind of drug coverage the administration's Medicare amendments will really provide or how the Bush Clear Skies Act actually degrades clean-air standards, the press has given the administration an astonishingly free ride.

The back story of the politicization of intelligence has been hidden in plain view for months. Last fall, investigative reporter Robert Dreyfuss, writing in The American Prospect, where I am co-editor, exposed the efforts by Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld to take control of intelligence summaries from the CIA. In March, The New Yorker's Seymour Hersh exposed the forgery of the report, now belatedly in the headlines, that Saddam was trying to buy uranium from Niger.

John Judis, in The New Republic, a magazine that supported the war, pieced together other efforts to politicize intelligence to justify the Iraq war. The New Yorker has also exposed how George Tenet, a Clinton appointee, has compromised his mission in his fawning efforts to ingratiate himself with Bush and the Pentagon.

So last week when Tenet agreed to take the fall for Bush's use of a long-discredited intelligence report, the maneuver stank to high heaven. But the press initially played the story with a straight face. On Friday, Bush declared that his speech ''was cleared by the intelligence services.'' Tenet, in a minuet that was obviously rehearsed and orchestrated, then issued a statement taking responsibility and expressing regret. Then, on Saturday, the president magnanimously expressed his full confidence in Tenet.

An innocent reader might have been forgiven for concluding that this ''error'' was the CIA's lapse. In fact, the CIA was well aware that the Niger uranium story had been fabricated. The reference to the report in the Bush speech was the work of the war hawks at the Pentagon and the White House, not the CIA. Indeed, intelligence experts were so upset about this reference that the text was the subject of word by word negotiation. In the end, Bush's actual text, disingenuously, attributed the report to British intelligence.

The New York Times, recently buffeted by a news fabrication scandal and a management shake-up, has been particularly cautious about reporting the larger story of the politicization of intelligence and the role of Vice President Cheney and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld. That task has fallen mainly to Times columnists.

Columnist Nicholas Kristof has advanced the story more than the Times news staff. The inimitable Maureen Dowd declared, ''The president and Condi Rice can shuffle the shells and blame George Tenet, but it smells of mendacity.'' Mendacity is a polite synonym for lying. Even Bush's toughest critics find it hard to print the words, ''Bush lies.'' But that's the larger story.

The op-ed pages are intended for the expression of opinion. But in the Bush era, much of the reporting and analysis that should be Page 1 news are treated as if they were mere opinion.

Normally the press is not reluctant to challenge the lies of a president. The press hardly shrank from this challenge in the Vietnam and Watergate eras. And much of the press, overzealously, made a crusade of the Whitewater real estate affair, virtually all of which turned out to be a phony. Poor Al Gore got toasted for minor exaggerations.

But Bush gets a free pass time after time. The press holds back partly because of America's vulnerability to terrorism, which Bush's handlers exploit shamelessly. The administration is also very effective at pressuring and isolating reporters who criticize Bush, so working reporters bend over backwards to play fair. And the administration benefits from a stage-managed right-wing media machine that has no counterpart on the liberal left.

The press has even stopped making a fuss over the fact that this president has all but stopped holding press conferences. In his Africa trip, Bush intervened to limit questions, even as his African presidential hosts were indicating that press questions were welcome.

Investigations of administration deceptions about how many jobs the tax cuts will create or the actual effects on children of high-stakes testing combined with funding cuts or the saga of how the Pentagon tried to take over the CIA - these are not opinions. They are what journalism is all about.
_____________________

Robert Kuttner is co-editor of The American Prospect. His column appears regularly in the Globe.

© Copyright 2003 Globe Newspaper Company.

commondreams.org