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To: GST who wrote (106398)7/19/2003 9:40:18 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
Iraqi Weapons: The Confusion among Disarmament Specialists

By Yann Laurent
Le Monde
Wednesday 16 July 2003

Several strategic analysis centers declared themselves convinced of the existence of weapons of mass destruction in the autumn of 2002. Today they’re investigating themselves, reconsidering their work, and denouncing the “use” to which they’ve been put by Washington and London.

Where are the weapons of mass destruction that justified going to war against Iraq? Accused of lies and manipulations, George Bush and Tony Blair are summoned to explain. And their intelligence services are on the hot seat. But the question is also asked of the community of disarmament specialists. Autumn 2002, several strategic analysis centers concluded that there existed a deadly arsenal in Iraq. Their diagnostics converged with those of the CIA and of the British Joint Intelligence Committee.

“Biological and chemical weapons exist for good and for sure and their use is altogether possible in the case of war", asserted François Heisbourg, President of the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) in Le Monde on September 10. The day before, the IISS made a noted report on Saddam Hussein’s armament public. The IISS estimated that the Baghdad regime was not in a position to develop nuclear arms rapidly, but that its chemical and biological weapons capacities remained.

This report would inspire the British government to constitute its September 24 dossier on Iraqi weapons of mass destruction (WMD). Certain researchers did not disguise their opinion : “It would be better to act militarily against Iraq while its capacities are still far from its goals, rather than wait until they’ve got nuclear weapons”, declared IISS Research Director, Gary Samore, to CNN, on September 9.

Today, the same experts are compelled to painful revisions. Those who were the most convinced of the existence of WMD don’t hide their “problem” given the “mystery” of the Iraqi arsenal. Three months after Baghdad’s fall, no proof has been found of the existence or destruction of WMD.

“It’s a strange thing” admits François Heisbourg, who, apart from his functions at IISS, is Director of the Foundation for Strategic Research (FSR). However, he immediately adds: “The Americans find nothing, but the Iraqis have still not proven the elimination of their Iran-Iraq war stocks.” The IISS has not completely changed its views: one of its specialists, John Chipman, assured the BBC, last week: “We’ll find the proof of a program of weapons of mass destruction.”

Why then, this inability of American-British forces to find them in Iraq? “There’s something that escapes me, something I don’t understand”, Jacques Beltran, who worked at the Institut français des relations internationales (IFRI) last autumn, confessed. "Hans Blix –then UN Chief Inspector-himself asked the question in his pre-war reports about the fate of the thousands of liters of toxins that have never been found. Unless they’ve evaporated, we’ll end up finding them”, he reckons.

Disarmament specialists are reduced to hypotheses. François Heisbourg imagines one scenario: perhaps the weapons were destroyed before the war, shortly after the Nov. 8 Security Council adoption of resolution 1441 which organized the disarmament inspectors’ return.

"The Iraqis didn’t want to show that they no longer had weapons of dissuasion” and the Americans can’t “admit having failed to find out” imagines the IISS President before concluding: "My only certitude is that there were WMD.” “And, besides, in any case there was the threat of proliferation”, adds Jacques Beltran.

However these experts also reconsider the range of their work and explain that it must be considered in context. They note that their “means of investigation are limited”. “We based ourselves on UNSCOM (UN commission on Disarmament in Iraq) logic and reports- which only indicated a partial destruction of Iraqi weapons. If nothing is found, my problem will persist and the professionalism of the disarmament inspectors could be called into question”, warns Jacques Beltran. “The WMD are, in any case, a secondary problem now”, insists Philippe Moreau-Desfarges, expert in “questions of global governance” at IFRI, acknowledging that “some mistakes had been committed”. “We’ve become more cautious”, he reassures us.

Once close to American-British positions, these researchers hold an unexpected opinion of the coalition. They unanimously denounce London and Washington’s “usage” of which they have been victims. “The politicians have clothed the facts they had available according to their own fancy and even facts that weren’t available…” summarizes François Heisbourg. The Niger uranium is a “characteristic lie”; “the famous mobile laboratories have never been seen by independent experts”, he enumerates. Britain’s September 24 dossier is described as “a mish mash of the work of eighteen year-old thesis writers” by the IISS president, who concludes, “The British were creatively inspired.”

The debate also turns to a settling of accounts between researchers. "I’m surprised by the IISS’ new position. It’s either bad faith or incompetence”, fumes Pascal Boniface, Director of the Institute for International and Strategic Relations (IISR). “In September, they recommended immediate military intervention. Anyone who didn’t take up the dominant Americano-British line was immediately described as an Iraqi agent, a Gaullo-Mitterrandist with blinkers on”, remembers Mr. Boniface.

A part of the scientific community has violently criticized the IISS report. "The Institute gave Blair his argument. The report was politically oriented and justified military intervention” concludes Jacques Beltran. “The IISS is based in London, but breathes in Washington. Its report fell exactly where it was needed in American strategy. We were no longer in the realm of making technical statements, but of political recommendations”, asserts Pascal Boniface.

“It’s the vocation of an organization like mine to contribute to the debate. I take total responsibility for this superb work, the only serious work on this subject in the public domain”, François Heisbourg defends himself. A new battle is underway between WMD experts. But nothing and no one has so far come to contradict Hans Blix and Mohammed ElBaradei’s conclusions before the United Nations Security Council March 7: “We have found no proof of forbidden activities-…-No installation for the production or storage of chemical or biological products has been found.”

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Translation: TruthOut French language correspondent Leslie Thatcher.

truthout.org



To: GST who wrote (106398)7/19/2003 9:42:54 AM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
Lonely at the Top
______________________

by Michael R. Gordon

Published on Friday, July 18, 2003 by the New York Times

The guerrilla war brewing in Iraq is just one reason the American deployment there is shaping up to be larger and longer than anticipated. Another is the tepid international support for the Bush administration's military campaign to topple Saddam Hussein.

Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld said last week that he hoped to enlist as many as 30,000 troops from 49 nations. That is the much advertised coalition of the willing and able that administration officials are hoping can help stabilize Iraq.

The problem, however, is that many of the recruits the Pentagon has tried to line up so far appear to fall into two categories: the not so willing and the not that able.

India, for example, balked this week at sending peacekeeping troops to Iraq. That was a setback not only because the Indians could have sent thousands of soldiers but because the Indians were expected to provide a division, a unit with an established system of command and control that would have been assigned its own area of responsibility. The Indians were able but not willing, at least not yet.

The United States is still banking on the deployment of a Polish-led division. But the key phrase here is "Polish led."

This is to be a division with a Polish headquarters, a few thousand Polish troops, and bits and pieces from Spain, Ukraine and more than a dozen other nations. This is a not tried and tested NATO division. It is a pickup team being assembled from scratch and drawn largely, if not entirely, from foreign militaries with no experience in the region.

It is willing, but the question is, how able. If the United States Army's battle-hardened Third Infantry Division has found itself tested in the Sunni Triangle around Baghdad, consider the challenges that await this polyglot force — even if it is deployed as planned in the tamer Shiite-dominated south.

To be sure, the American forces in Iraq are not alone. The British took Basra and have been providing security for that southern Iraqi city and nearby areas. But when it comes to boots on the ground, the American military does not have a lot of company.

The new chief of the United States Central Command, Gen. John P. Abizaid, said on Wednesday that American military commanders had determined that the optimal number of forces to secure Iraq in the face of a tenacious and, at least on a regional level, organized resistance was 160,000. Currently, he noted, there are about 148,000 American troops and 13,000 allied troops in Iraq.

But the issue is not just one of numbers. It is also a policy issue. When the administration decided to invade Iraq to remove the Saddam Hussein regime, it adopted a new approach toward coalition-building. The administration wanted a free hand in determining when to go to war, what the plan of attack should be and what political process should be put in place in Iraq afterward to ensure that a new government was both democratic and friendly to the United States.

The last thing the United States wanted was a Kosovo-style campaign in which military plans were modified in order to build consensus within an American-led alliance. The United States secured the backing of NATO nations by limiting the scope and intensity of its bombing campaign against Serbia.

Nor did the United States want to assemble the sort of broad coalition for Iraq that President George Bush assembled for the 1991 Persian Gulf war, in which the war aims — in that case, evicting Iraqi forces from Kuwait but not going to Baghdad — were influenced by what the traffic would bear within the coalition.

Rather, the current Bush administration would call the shots, and like-minded nations — the so-called coalition of the able and the willing — could join in. That approach had the advantage of providing the United States with the maximum flexibility in overseeing the war.

But the failure to build broad international backing for the effort also meant that there were relatively few allied forces to help shoulder the military and financial burdens of enforcing the peace. There is a long list of nations that may send forces, but many of the promised foreign deployments are small and largely symbolic. Now that the United States is involved in a messy occupation in Iraq, it has discovered that it is lonely at the top.

In early May, the Pentagon hoped to have less peacekeeping to do and more allies to help do it. The goal was to reduce the level of American forces to less than two divisions by September — "one division plus" in the military vernacular, or a force of perhaps 50,000 or fewer troops. But the plan assumed that resistance would be reduced and that capable allied forces would be deployed, neither of which has occurred.

The United States Army is especially eager to bring home the bone-weary Third Infantry Division, which led the charge to Baghdad and still has two of its three brigades on peacekeeping duty. The Second Brigade is one of them. It was the first Army force to rumble into downtown Baghdad and is now pulling peacekeeping duty in Fallujah. Mr. Rumsfeld indicated just last week that the Second Brigade was to head south to Kuwait this month so that it could return to the United States in August.

But after senior military commanders conferred with the top American administrator in Iraq, L. Paul Bremer III, they concluded that the mounting guerrilla attacks and delays in enlisting allied support made this an inopportune moment to withdraw more American forces. As General Abizaid put it to his commanders, in order for "a brigade to come out, we need to have an equivalent capability or either U.S. or coalition troops arrive."

Given that this was the second time that the Second Brigade's tour in Iraq was extended, the news was a bitter pill for many troops. But given the generals' security calculus, there was really no other choice.

The administration may yet succeed in securing the deployment of militarily significant allied forces. An appeal for foreign troops from Iraq's new interim Governing Council could give India and other nations the political cover they need to send forces. So might passage of a new United Nations Security Council resolution, a subject that foreign leaders have broached with Secretary of State Colin L. Powell.

It is possible for the United States to set the strategy for war and receive substantial allied assistance in administering the peace. But the cause has to have broad international backing.

Afghanistan was one example. The United States intervened to shut down Al Qaeda's camps and punish the Taliban for giving sanctuary to terrorists. Now that the Taliban have been toppled, Germany and the Netherlands are leading the peacekeeping force, the French have been training the Afghan Army and NATO is gearing up to take over the peacekeeping mission.

The conflict in Iraq may offer an important, if painful, lesson for future military campaigns, particularly those that involve "regime change" and the arduous nation-building that is needed to cope with the power vacuum that follows. The lesson is that broad international support is not only desirable politically, it can also offer a real military advantage.

Copyright 2003 The New York Times Company

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