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To: Glenn Petersen who wrote (2722)7/24/2003 8:41:25 AM
From: Glenn Petersen  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3602
 
Work remains despite gains, Sarbanes-Oxley authors say
chicagotribune.com

By Andrew Countryman
Tribune staff reporter

July 24, 2003

The Sarbanes-Oxley corporate governance law has been hailed as the most sweeping change to securities regulation since the Depression, but its authors say that, in many ways, the work has just begun.

In separate interviews, Sen. Paul Sarbanes (D-Md.) and Rep. Michael Oxley (R-Ohio) said they are pleased with progress made thus far to clean up corporate America, but said it's still getting down to the nitty-gritty.

"I think we're moving along well, but we're still in the process of putting the system in place and implementing it," Sarbanes said. "We think the culture is changing and attitudes are changing."

Friday marks the first anniversary of Congress' overwhelming passage of the wide-ranging law, which created a new accounting oversight board, moved to eliminate auditor conflicts and improve the reliability of financial reporting, and toughened penalties for corporate malfeasance.

But two studies released Wednesday illustrate just how much work remains to restore investor confidence.

Although a study by The Conference Board research group found marginal gains, more than half of 5,000 Americans surveyed said they were less trusting of corporate management and boards of directors than they were six months ago.

More than a quarter said they view corporate earnings reports as not credible, and only 22 percent said they plan to invest in stocks in the next six months--virtually unchanged from January, despite the market's recent run-up.

Oxley, however, sees solid underpinnings in the rally, thanks in part to the law.

"We have more transparency, and we have more investor confidence because of that transparency," he said.

Separately, a survey of corporate executives by PricewaterhouseCoopers found their view of the law has deteriorated since October. Nearly half now say it is well-meaning but will impose unnecessary costs. Roughly half say it will have little or no effect on investor confidence.

Many executives complain about the law's costs, particularly a provision requiring assessment and certification of internal financial controls.

Several analysts have speculated that the law will make firms more risk-averse, deter people from board service, prompt small firms to go private to avoid the costs and create an inhospitable environment for foreign firms on U.S. exchanges.

Oxley said he has seen little evidence to support the concerns--thanks in part to the Securities and Exchange Commission's implementation of the statute--but said the law may have unintended consequences down the road.

"Anytime you pass a bill of major proportions, you're going to have that," he said. "I think the SEC was able to knock off some of the sharper points around the bill and make it a little more palatable."

Both Sarbanes and Oxley said they are pleased the SEC has received more resources to fight securities fraud, including a significant increase in its budget and staffing.

"They're getting there, but they're certainly not there yet," Oxley said. "It's a work in progress."

Sarbanes, who sharply criticized former SEC Chairman Harvey Pitt's handling of William Webster's nomination to head the accounting oversight board last year, cited substantial improvements in morale and standards under new SEC Chairman William Donaldson.

He also praised the selection of former Federal Reserve official William McDonough to replace Webster.

"We have a terrific chairman there," he said. "I was greatly cheered when Donaldson and his colleagues at the SEC were able to get McDonough."

Moving forward, Sarbanes is looking toward the SEC, stock exchanges and accounting rules-makers to fully implement the law, crack down on further chicanery and set standards, including on audits and expensing stock options.

Oxley, too, is counting on regulators to bring the law to life, and his House Financial Services Committee also has been investigating mutual funds, particularly fee transparency.

The panel also has been moving forward with a measure, co-sponsored by Oxley, that would increase civil penalties for wrongdoing and strengthen the SEC's hand in extracting judgments and putting funds toward investor restitution.

The bill, however, has generated considerable controversy because of a provision that reasserts the SEC's primacy in securities regulation and limits the scope of state actions.

The provision has drawn intense criticism from many state officials, including New York Atty. Gen. Eliot Spitzer, who spearheaded the investigation into Wall Street research analysts and investment bankers.

Sarbanes strongly opposes that element, saying it would receive "very great scrutiny" in the Senate because of state regulators' importance, particularly in protecting small investors.

"There was a real vacuum there, and they moved into it," he said. "They do a lot of good work. They do good policing work on the beat with regard to securities enforcement."

Law spells out sweeping changes to accounting, boardroom rules

Key provisions of the Sarbanes-Oxley law:

- Created the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board to oversee and investigate auditors, including setting auditing standards, with various disciplinary powers for rules or professional-standards violations. Unlike the previous self-regulatory body, it has a guaranteed source of funding.

- Gave enhanced authority to corporate audit committees, including mandatory preapproval of many activities. Committees may only have independent directors.

- Prohibits auditors from providing various consulting and other services--including lucrative financial information-systems design.

- Requires rotation of key audit partners and restricts movement of auditors to the company.

- Mandates certification of financial reports by top executives and prohibits improper influence on audits.

- Allows companies to reclaim various incentive compensation in certain cases of financial restatements.

- Dictates that funds disgorged for securities laws violations go to a fund to compensate victims; a House committee is considering a proposal to boost that fund.

- Requires enhanced disclosure of off-balance-sheet transactions like those at Enron Corp. and requires that "pro forma" presentation of financial results be reconciled with generally accepted accounting principles.

- Dictates that companies disclose whether they have a code of ethics for top financial officers, or why not, and any changes or waivers.

- Bans company loans to directors and officers.

- Requires corporate attorneys who find evidence of improprieties to report them to the CEO or board of directors.

- Makes it easier for regulators to bar individuals from serving as officers or directors of public companies.

- Requires top management to provide an assessment of internal controls and the independent auditor to evaluate them.

- Mandates that companies disclose whether their audit committee has a narrowly defined "financial expert," or why not.

- Establishes new rules on stock analyst conflicts of interest, severing many links between investment banking and research functions.

- Increases penalties for securities fraud or impeding investigations, providing jail terms of up to 25 years and fines of up to $25 million in some instances.

-- Andrew Countryman

Copyright © 2003, Chicago Tribune



To: Glenn Petersen who wrote (2722)7/25/2003 8:40:33 AM
From: Glenn Petersen  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 3602
 
First Praise, Now Hisses at S.E.C.

nytimes.com

By STEPHEN LABATON

WASHINGTON, July 24 — For William H. Donaldson, the honeymoon is over.

Ushered into the chairman's office of the Securities and Exchange Commission nearly six months ago to revive an agency that was adrift in political storms, plagued by insufficient resources and overwhelmed by corporate filings, Mr. Donaldson set about to reshape the agency.

Through skillful diplomacy, he earned cautious support from Democrats and wide praise from Republicans as well as from investor groups and Wall Street institutions. In a short time, he has lifted the morale at the agency through management changes and budget increases.

"The commission is in enormously better shape," said Harvey J. Goldschmid, a Democratic commissioner. As a handpicked choice of Senator Paul S. Sarbanes, Democrat of Maryland, Mr. Goldschmid often found himself both publicly and privately at odds with Mr. Donaldson's predecessor, Harvey L. Pitt.

In contrast, Mr. Goldschmid has never been on the opposite side of Mr. Donaldson on a major vote. Mr. Donaldson and Mr. Goldschmid both describe a cordial working relationship, and Mr. Donaldson has even occasionally found himself on the same side of a vote with Mr. Goldschmid while one or both of the other Republican commissioners was on the other side.

"Bill Donaldson has brought collegiality, intelligence, maturity and a willingness to take important steps," Mr. Goldschmid said.

But now he has begun to confront a series of policy choices that have provoked some political fire. A number of companies and Wall Street institutions have complained that new rules imposed over the last year have been too steep and have quietly begun to lobby Congress and the commission to roll them back.

In an interview today over lunch in his cavernous sixth-floor office here, Mr. Donaldson said he wanted to remain above the political brawls that have plagued his Democratic and Republican predecessors.

"I've tried to avoid getting into the political," he said. "We're an investor agency. We're not a political agency."

It may be impossible, however, to remain above the fray. In recent days, Mr. Donaldson has been sharply criticized by Eliot Spitzer, the New York attorney general, for failing to challenge a provision in House legislation proposed by the Republicans that state regulators say will strip them of enforcement authority in financial cases.

Mr. Spitzer modulated his complaints after some Democrats in Washington told him that Mr. Donaldson was not the main figure behind the proposal. The New York attorney general said in an interview today that he maintained a "good working relationship" with both Mr. Donaldson and other commission officials, and that he did not "blame him for the amendment."

"We see virtually all issues the same way," he said.

But Mr. Spitzer's criticism of the measure may have had some effect on the debate. Late this afternoon, a House committee pulled the legislation after some commission officials privately told House Republicans that it was not a good time to advance the measure, which had been initially proposed by Wall Street.

Still, in the coming weeks, Mr. Donaldson faces a multitude of decisions on issues — from new shareholder proxy voting rules to tighter regulation of hedge funds and analyst conflict of interests — that will force him to decide between investors and large institutions.

"He is at a turning point," said James D. Cox, a securities law expert and professor at Duke University School of Law.

Barbara Roper, director of investor protection for the Consumer Federation of America, agreed.

"Donaldson seems to have done a good job of restoring the S.E.C. as a functioning agency," she said.

"A year out from the passage of Sarbanes-Oxley, there is clearly a backlash of views against reforms that says we're going too far and we're trying to eliminate risk. In my view, we have an unfinished agenda. The question is, will Donaldson align himself with the view that `enough is enough' of market regulation? Or, is he going to advance an investor protection beyond that?"

The proxy rules illustrate the difficult choices he faces. The Business Roundtable, an organization that represents chief executives from many of the nation's largest corporations, has urged the commission to water down its initial proposals to make it more difficult for shareholders to nominate and vote on independent directors. At the same time, institutional investors and consumer groups have urged the commission to make it easier for shareholders to make such appointments.

Mr. Donaldson and the commission must also finish issuing new rules related to the passage of the corporate governance law of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, which will have its one-year anniversary next week. One of those issues involves the obligations of corporate lawyers to blow the whistle on companies when they detect fraud, an issue that has provoked strong and opposing views from consumer groups on one side and lawyers' groups on the other.

In contrast to his predecessor and many other top officials in Washington, Mr. Donaldson never sought a senior government position. Nor does he seem to aspire to another government job afterward.

He said that when he was first approached about the job around last Thanksgiving, he was not interested. He had recently stepped down as the chief executive of Aetna after founding his own Wall Street firm and serving as head of the New York Stock Exchange. Although he planned to continue as chairman of the Carnegie Endowment and serve on several boards, he said he was ready to move to a new phase in his life.

"Initially I said I didn't think so," said Mr. Donaldson, who is now 72 years old. "But then, the more I thought about it, the more I thought it was a real opportunity."

Once he took the job, he also departed from many other top officials who come to Washington with big policy agendas. Instead, he says, he is focusing at least half of his time on revamping the management and organization of the commission. Earlier in his career, Mr. Donaldson had been the founding dean of Yale University's management school and taught management courses.

At most agencies, such issues would be low priority. But at the commission, Mr. Donaldson said, they are vital. He acknowledged that it was an interesting coincidence that he was reshaping the management of the agency at the same time that Congress and the commission were requiring corporations across America to change the way they govern themselves.

"This is an attempt to create a structure beyond just getting managers to do their work better," he said. "The challenge for anyone to try to get a change in organization is to get buy-in from all the people."

In the process of making use of a doubling of the agency's budget, Mr. Donaldson has encountered some unusual problems.

The commission acknowledged this week, for instance, that it would be unable to spend $103 million of the record $716 million budget that it had been given by Congress for a new staff because it was unable to hire qualified accountants and lawyers quickly.

"You don't want to rush and hire willy-nilly at the cost of having the quality of work decline," he said.