Good rundown on John's favorite "bogyman."
GOP's DeLay garners influence
By Kathy Kiely
USA TODAY
House majority leader riles Democrats, but he doesn't shy from defying president either WASHINGTON -- Just before flying here to meet with President Bush today, Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon had a tête-à-tête with another powerful Texas Republican.
Sharon put off his departure from Israel long enough to welcome House Majority Leader Tom DeLay. The meeting was the first in a series of honors Israelis are lavishing on the pro-Israel conservative during his four-day visit.
It's a trip that seems certain to create political waves -- not only for the Democrats whom DeLay battles in Congress, but also for the president whose agenda he's supposed to advance. And it underscores the intriguing and increasingly important role being assumed by a onetime pest exterminator from suburban Houston who has become the uncrowned king of the Republican right.
DeLay has been climbing the rungs of the Republican leadership in the House of Representatives since 1993. He has long been regarded as one of Capitol Hill's shrewdest and most effective political infighters. This year, he became majority leader, the No. 2 House Republican, after Speaker Dennis Hastert. That puts DeLay in charge of the legislative agenda and gives him a seat at weekly White House meetings.
But DeLay is far more than a scheduler. He is one of his party's top fundraisers; his network of campaign committees raked in more than $12 million in 2001-02, according to the political watchdog group Democracy 21. He's an unapologetic partisan who jumps into frays that Bush, Hastert and Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, R-Tenn., try to avoid. DeLay isn't above using his muscle to win more jobs for Republicans at Washington lobbying firms -- or more seats for Republicans in the Texas congressional delegation.
As Republicans seek to extend their dominance in the nation's capital, DeLay is wielding his clout in ways that recall another generation of Texas politicians -- a Democratic generation headed by Lyndon Johnson and former House speaker Sam Rayburn. That's prompting speculation about whether he might rise as high as they did.
''Tom is the most influential conservative in the country,'' says Steve Moore of the Club for Growth, a pro-business, anti-tax fundraising group.
DeLay's relationship to Israel showcases his passionate beliefs, and the lengths to which they inspire him to go. He says his suburban Houston district, home to many petrochemical industry managers and engineers, has more mosques than synagogues. But on Capitol Hill, the 56-year-old, born-again Christian is one of the Jewish state's most ardent advocates. That has helped him win support in the traditionally Democratic Jewish community -- and occasionally put him at odds with the president.
Standing up to the president
When the Bush administration unveiled its ''road map'' to peace in the Middle East last spring, DeLay was sharply critical. Now Bush has persuaded Sharon to support a Palestinian homeland. Not DeLay: ''I'm not prepared to do that yet.''
DeLay says his advocacy for Israel is about ''expanding democracy and fighting the war on terror.'' But his faith is also a factor. ''Jesus Christ was a Jew,'' DeLay says. ''The Jewish people were God's chosen people. He has a covenant with them. We ought to appreciate that.''
There are some who think that DeLay enables Bush to resist more concessions to the Palestinians. ''Tom's position helps the president maintain a pro-Israel stance,'' says Jack Abramoff, a Washington lobbyist and fundraiser who's close to both men.
DeLay's relationship with Bush is complicated. Besides Israel, DeLay has criticized the White House on:
* Tax cuts. In June, White House spokesman Ari Fleischer said Bush wanted quick House passage of tax credits for the poor. DeLay scoffed: ''The last time I checked, he doesn't have a vote.'' The House has yet to consider the measure.
* Health care. The White House has made a prescription-drug benefit for seniors in Medicare a priority. But business groups don't like the legislation, and DeLay is ''throwing a stick into the spokes, while the administration is trying to speed it up,'' Moore says.
* Education. Last year, DeLay was one of 41 House members to oppose legislation to establish nationwide standards for public school students and their teachers. The measure was a priority for the president.
''Tom DeLay and George Bush come from different philosophies,'' says Rep. Ray LaHood, R-Ill. ''When Tom digs his heels in, he's not going to compromise. The president is a go-along, get-along kind of guy. They've crossed swords.''
Even so, the two Texans have worked hard to establish a rapport. This year, the White House made the unusual move of inviting the House majority leader to attend the weekly breakfasts Bush hosts for top congressional leaders.
There are times when the White House appreciates DeLay. In Austin, a fiercely partisan fight is underway to redraw Texas' 32 congressional districts and give Republicans a chance to win more of them. The White House is pushing the effort, but quietly. DeLay is publicly leading the charge.
When Democratic state legislators temporarily blocked the bill by fleeing to Oklahoma, DeLay asked the U.S. Department of Homeland Security to help track them down. His political action committee, created to help elect Republicans to the state Legislature, is under investigation by a Democratic district attorney in Austin. He has been pilloried by Democratic leaders and Texas editorial writers, but he isn't flinching.
''This whole process won't have been worth it if we don't pick up at least four seats,'' DeLay says.
DeLay's direct approach sometimes gets him in trouble. In 1999, the House ethics committee rebuked him for trying to strong-arm Washington lobbying firms into hiring more Republicans. Rep. Bob Matsui, a California Democrat who heads his party's congressional campaign committee, says lobbyists have told him DeLay is threatening reprisals if they make campaign contributions to Democrats. DeLay denies it.
Favors and fear
In fact, DeLay's power is built as much on favors as fear. Centrist Republicans have received campaign help and contributions from him, even though they often disagree with him. LaHood quickly dropped any idea of making a run for the majority leader's job last year when he discovered half of his fellow GOP moderates already pledged to DeLay.
There are other signs that DeLay is trying to soften his image. A foster parent himself, he has established a foundation to build a model community for homeless children in Texas and is pushing legislation to improve adoption and foster care. Among his allies on the topic: Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton, D-N.Y., whose husband, Bill Clinton, DeLay voted to impeach.
His trademark lacquered helmet of hair has given way to a fluffier cut. The gap between his front teeth has disappeared. And he's experimenting with humor. In a recent House floor speech, DeLay unveiled a poster-size photo of himself from a family album, in which he wore a pink-and-red leisure suit, complete with white shoes and belt. His point: a Democratic tax proposal was ''dead as disco.''
Is it all a sign that DeLay might be preparing to go for the speaker's job when Hastert decides to retire? Some members of Congress think it's possible. Still others hope DeLay aims even higher. ''There are tens of thousands of people who pray that one day he's president,'' Abramoff says.
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