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To: JohnM who wrote (4138)8/2/2003 4:20:45 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 794065
 

Josh Marshall on the strategy of calling the Dems anti-Catholic for opposing Pryor.


Goodness, do you think the Repubs are acting like Politicians? :>)

The Dem's base is secular compared to the Repubs. They went after Ashcroft because he was a Holy Roller, and the effective result of their present policy on Judges is that no Baptist or Catholic who agrees with his church will be supported, no matter what he says.

I can't look into the Hearts of the Senators and say what they may be Bigoted about, but they are acting in such a way that a "Bigot" charge has legs.



To: JohnM who wrote (4138)8/2/2003 5:57:23 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 794065
 
"Ich bin ein Israeli?" Everybody has to go to Jerusalem and genuflect, I guess.

Democrats Put on Defensive by G.O.P.'s Israel Policy
By SHERYL GAY STOLBERG - NEW YORK TIMES

WASHINGTON, Aug. 1 - In the battle for Jewish votes, Representative Tom DeLay of Texas, the House majority leader, undoubtedly scored a few points this week when, during a speech to members of the Israeli parliament, he proclaimed himself "an Israeli at heart."

Now it is the Democrats' turn.

Representative Steny H. Hoyer of Maryland, the House Democratic whip and one of Israel's strongest supporters in Congress, will lead a Democratic delegation of 29 House members ? including 12 freshmen lawmakers ? to Israel on Saturday, carrying a more moderate message than Mr. DeLay but with much the same purpose: to court Jewish voters at home.

Like Mr. DeLay, Mr. Hoyer and his group plan to meet with Prime Minister Ariel Sharon of Israel, as well as with members of the Israeli parliament. They also hope to see the Palestinian prime minister, Mahmoud Abbas, known to his friends as Abu Mazen. "We'd like to get a feel of the man," he said.

But while Mr. DeLay, departing from the Bush administration, said he "can't imagine in the near future that a Palestinian state could ever happen," Mr. Hoyer said he was hopeful that it could. The position puts him squarely in line behind President Bush.

"The policy of the United States is to see two states, an Israeli state and a Palestinian state living side by side, and I think that message will be conveyed, certainly, that there is the expectation that the realization of a Palestinian state will be part of the solution," Mr. Hoyer said in an interview today. "But there is a requirement, and that requirement, which is critical, is that the Palestinians, Abu Mazen and others bring terrorist activity to a close."

Those carefully chosen words are aimed as much at soothing American ears as those of Israelis. Mr. Hoyer's trip comes as Democrats are growing more concerned about maintaining their hold on Jewish voters, particularly in swing states like Pennsylvania and Florida.

Some American Jews have grown increasingly uneasy with Congressional Democrats of late. When Mr. DeLay put forth a Congressional resolution expressing solidarity with Israel last year, a number of Democrats voted "no" or "present," irritating some Jewish leaders. And some Jews sensed an anti-Israeli tinge to the sentiments of Democrats who did not support President Bush on the war in Iraq. All the while, Republicans have aggressively wooed Jewish voters.

"There has been a deliberate and concerted effort on the part of the Republican Party to make inroads in the Jewish community," said Howard Wolfson, a Democratic strategist. "Tom DeLay's trip to the Middle East is just the latest example of that effort."

Mr. Hoyer is well aware of that, and said he hoped his trip would reassure Jews "of the Democratic Party's strong commitment to Israel and to its survival and to its success."

Mr. DeLay's trip was an official visit, paid for by the taxpayers. Mr. Hoyer's will be paid for by the American Israeli Education Foundation, an arm of the American Israel Political Affairs Committee, one of the most powerful lobbying groups in Washington. Howard Kohr, the committee's executive director, said he regarded it as a "significant statement" that 29 Democrats were willing to spend part of their August recess traveling to a land that most tourists have forsaken.

Soon, Republicans will have their chance. The committee is scheduled to take a Republican delegation to Israel at the end of the month.
nytimes.com



To: JohnM who wrote (4138)8/2/2003 6:25:22 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 794065
 
How to play the game. Fascinating.

Grand Old Ploy: Punt, Cringe and Win
By CARL HULSE - NEW YORK TIMES

WASHINGTON, Aug. 1 - Congressional Republicans call it their "winning ugly" strategy.

Even when controlling both chambers, Republican leaders have discovered that advancing their social and economic agenda is much easier when they punt contentious legislation into House and Senate negotiations, where Republicans are firmly in command.

The latest example came this week when Senate Republicans, flummoxed in their push to pass an energy bill before leaving town, resorted to resurrecting and passing last year's Democratic energy proposal just to get into talks with their House brethren.

That same path has been followed all year on difficult bills: get a budget, tax cut or Medicare bill off the floor and out of the line of fire ? even if it has flaws that make lawmakers cringe ? and force it into conference for a thorough massaging.

"An obvious advantage to being in the majority, even if it is a tiny majority like ours, is that you control the conference," Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the No. 2 Republican in the Senate, said today as the Senate adjourned until Sept. 2. "It is elementary that if you can get a bill to conference, you have a wide latitude to produce a bill the majority is comfortable with and the president is comfortable with."

It may be elementary, but it is not exactly the textbook version of how a bill becomes law.

Conference committees operate largely behind closed doors with staff members writing much of the bill. And the minority party has very little leverage, which of course is the idea. The energy measure, for instance, will now be under the stewardship of two Republican industry allies: Senator Pete V. Domenici of New Mexico and Representative Billy Tauzin of Louisiana.

Senate opponents can always filibuster a final conference report if they can line up sufficient opposition. But traditionally it is tougher to stall a measure in its final form, just one step away from becoming law.

Nevertheless, Republicans might find that relying on conference committees is no guarantee of success when they return next month. Their chief domestic priority, adding prescription drug coverage to Medicare, is now in conference and the House and Senate versions are considerably different. So are the two chambers' views on how to extend an increase in the child tax credit to lower-income families.

"We've got a long way to go," Bill Frist, the Senate majority leader, said today as he ticked off the accomplishments of the Republican Senate in his seven-month tenure.

Looking ahead to the fall, he said the Senate would take up limitations on class-action suits and consider a plan to create a fund to resolve thousands of asbestos-related claims. And he said Republicans would get a deal on prescription drugs.

The unusual deal on the energy measure allowed the Senate to go into its break on a higher note than it appeared likely as late as Thursday. Dr. Frist and Senator Tom Daschle, the Democratic leader, engaged in a standoff over the energy measure and Dr. Frist's decision to hold a series of votes on judicial nominees that Democrats are blocking.

But when Republicans and Democrats grabbed what both viewed as an energy bargain, it opened the door to quick approval of the bill, a $983 million emergency spending measure, a renewal of intelligence programs and other legislation. The House had exited a week earlier.

While Republicans were celebrating what they saw as progress, Democrats took a different view. In their report card on the Republican leadership's work, they found the results lacking on most fronts. "Senate Republicans have taken every opportunity in the 108th Congress to push a right wing-agenda, often refusing to compromise or moderate extreme views that are at odds with the values of the majority of Americans," the Senate Democratic Policy Committee said in a statement.

The fall promises no respite from the partisanship. Dr. Frist and his leadership team said they would continue to press the Democrats on the conservative judicial nominees and Democrats will persist with inquiries into the administration's handling of intelligence issues related to Iraq.

And while the newly passed Senate energy measure might go into the conference talks as the Daschle-Bingaman energy bill ? named for its original Democratic authors, Mr. Daschle and Jeff Bingaman of New Mexico ? Dr. Frist said it would emerge a completely different animal.

"When the president signs that energy bill, it will be, in essence, a Bush-Domenici-Tauzin energy bill," Dr. Frist said.

nytimes.com



To: JohnM who wrote (4138)8/2/2003 9:21:19 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 794065
 
Davis gets Fisked

BASE! How Low Can You Go?
Gray Davis' nauseating pander to the left
Matt Welch REASON

Gray Davis has never been anybody's "progressive." In a 1998 debate before his first election, Davis singled out the caning nation of Singapore as "a good starting place in terms of law and order." When pressed on the point by stunned reporters, he replied: "They don't fool around. There's virtually no crime. If you don't like it, you can get on a plane and go someplace else."

Unless they sentence you to death for drug trafficking, but never mind. Like a good Singaporean, Davis has made passion for enforcing the death penalty a litmus test for judicial appointments, explaining that "My appointees should reflect my views. They are not there to be independent agents." He has not issued a single clemency in a death penalty case; in fact, he has probably set a California record by rejecting more than 98 percent of all parole recommendations sent to him by the State Parole Board.

Unsurprisingly, he's always been more cosy with prison guard unions (who have received hundreds of millions of dollars in raises during Davis' tenure), than civil rights groups. He even managed to alienate Republican-hating Latino politicians, who accuse him of going back on legislative promises, and exhibiting "arrogance" in giving the cold shoulder to Lt. Gov. Cruz Bustamante.

So how is Davis running against the recall? By pandering, cravenly, to the left. It's brazen and unseemly to behold... and it might just work. Here are some of the early manifestations:

* Caving on Latino activists' biggest issue. Last fall, Davis incurred the wrath of the Latino caucus by vetoing a bill by East L.A. State Senator Gil Cedillo that would have allowed illegal immigrants to obtain driver's licenses. Days before the recall election was announced, Davis reversed himself. Coincidentally, Cedillo has become an enthusiastic recall opponent, telling La Opinion that "This is a movement put together by extremists in the state who want to set back government... It's disruptive and it's a bad precedent. We have to commit ourselves to fight it."

* Pre-emptively comparing the election to Florida 2000. Nothing gets Republican-resistant blood boiling more than references to what the progressive left considers the GOP's stolen election. State and National Democratic Party Chairmen Art Torres and Terry McAuliffe, and NAACP State Chairwoman Alice Huffman began beating that drum earlier this week, warning that a reduced number of polling locations would "disenfranchise" poor minority voters, and, in Torres' words, possibly "invalidate" the election.

* Presenting the whole election as a costly vast right-wing conspiracy . "The Republican right, in trying to impose their agenda on California, is costing the taxpayers millions and millions of dollars to satisfy their own political ambitions," Davis spokesman Roger Salazar said last week . This ploy depends on preventing popular Democrats such as Sen. Dianne Feinstein from running; but with nine days left until the filing deadline, the first major crack in party discipline has already appeared, in the form of yesterday's warning to Davis by State Attorney General Bill Lockyer not to slime probably Republican opponent Richard Riordan... or else.

This also depends on voters' willingness to swallow the Democrats' sudden concern for fiscal profligacy, after five years of contributing to a $38 billion deficit, which is increasing the state's borrowing cost by hundreds of millions of dollars. It's funny to watch Davis get so agitated about spending $30 million, when he showed absolutely no compunction whatsoever three years ago in deliberately wasting $45 million to send a car-tax rebate by check, rather than in the form of deductions.

"I fought aggressively to make sure it was a check," Davis told the Los Angeles Times back then. "Because people don't appreciate the fact that they're getting a rebate unless they see it in their hands."

* Rallying the base. This may be the hardest of all to watch?Gray speaking bad Spanish in Echo Park, talking about "working families" at South-Central barbecues, visiting women's shelters in San Francisco. With a personality like an armadillo, Davis' flesh-pressing in Jesse Jackson territory is a uniquely gruesome spectacle.

What's worse, maybe, is that it seems to be working.

The lefty media, after battering the governor for years, is now getting all weak-kneed for his with-us-or-against-us stylings. Local paleo-lib poobah Harold Meyerson calls it "a thoroughly partisan abuse of the recall process, redolent of the thoroughly partisan abuse of the impeachment process that we went through in 1998-9." L.A. Times columnist Robert Scheer, channeling Davis' stump speech, insists that "it was the Bush administration and its buddies at companies like Enron that had put the state into an economic tailspin." Santa Monica's house comic Bill Maher argues that "this really isn't about elections at all. This is about a congressman named Darrell Issa, a Republican car alarm magnate who wants to be governor and has spent $1.5 million of his own money to fund the recall effort."

Gray Davis is a triangulator of Clintonian proportions; in fact, he's arguably more impressive, given his utter lack of charisma. He tells progressives he's their last great hope to protect abortion rights and the environment, while reassuring big business and law enforcement unions that he's the last sane bulwark against the crazed lefty hordes. He'll successfully swing between populist left and authoritarian right to beat primary opponents; he managed to derail Richard Riordan by calling him a closet abortionist, and he's been lucky enough to win two elections because his Republican opponents were "out of step with California."

Can he do it a third time? It should be nauseating to watch.

Matt Welch is a Reason associate editor.
reason.com



To: JohnM who wrote (4138)8/2/2003 10:44:18 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 794065
 
Sunday Morning Public Affairs All times EST

Fox News Sunday (CC) interviews Attorney General John Ashcroft on terrorism, and separate discussions of gay marriages with Sen. Rick Santorum (R-Pa.) and Human Rights Campaign Executive Director Elizabeth Birch (Channel 5 at 9 a.m.).

Sunday Morning (CC). CBS's Byron Pitts, embedded with the 4th Infantry in Iraq, reports on the mood of the troops (Channel 9 at 9 a.m.).

The Chris Matthews Show. Topics are the search for Saddam Hussein, Iraq and Howard Dean; with NBC's Campbell Brown, ABC's Sam Donaldson, BET's Ed Gordon and David Brooks of the Weekly Standard (Channel 4 at 10 a.m.).

Meet the Press (CC) interviews Homeland Security Secretary Tom Ridge on terror threats (Channel 4, 10:30 a.m.).

Face the Nation (CC). Topics include the war on terrorism and gay marriage; with Attorney General John Ashcroft, Human Rights Campaign Political Director Winnie Stachelberg, Family Research Council Vice President Genevieve Wood and Time's Elaine Shannon (Channel 9, 10:30 a.m.).

Religion & Ethics Newsweekly (CC) reports on the division within the Episcopal Church over the election of a gay bishop and the blessing of same-sex unions (Channel 32, 9:30 a.m.).

This Week With George Stephanopoulos (CC) interviews Libyan leader Moammar Qaddafi on the Lockerbie plane bombing and terrorism, and Attorney General John Ashcroft talks about the new airline warnings (Channel 7, 11:30).

Reliable Sources (CC) reviews the Bush news conference with Jonah Goldberg of National Review Online and Time's John Dickerson, plus a discussion of changes at the New York Times with one of its editors, Steve Holmes, and "The Trust" author Susan Tifft (CNN, 11:30 a.m.).

John McLaughlin's One on One. Former attorney general William Barr talks about the MCI fraud allegations (Channel 4 at noon; repeats at 9 on NewsChannel 8).

Late Edition With Wolf Blitzer (CC). Homeland Security Secretary Tom Ridge talks about the latest terrorism threat; Sens. Trent Lott (R-Miss.) and Evan Bayh (D-Ind.) discuss Iraq; an interview with former acting ambassador to Iraq Joseph Wilson on the weapons hunt; Sen. Joseph Lieberman (D-Conn.) discusses his presidential ambitions; Henry Kissinger and former defense secretary William Cohen discuss foreign policy; and a look at the Kobe Bryant case with Court TV's Lisa Bloom and attorney Roy Black (CNN at noon).

Capital Sunday With Kathleen Matthews. (Channel 7, 12:30 p.m.).

Booknotes interviews Dorothy Height, author of the memoir "Open Wide the Freedom Gates" (C-SPAN at 8 and 11 p.m.).