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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: JohnM who wrote (4220)8/3/2003 10:57:24 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793639
 
mood of Democratic voters in Iowa

Thanks for posting it. I missed it. Sounds about right to me. The part you bolded is pretty close to where you are, I think. Iowa may do away with Gephardt, and narrow it down to Kerry and Dean.



To: JohnM who wrote (4220)8/3/2003 11:11:46 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793639
 
Big news for those of us who never miss it. Better get your renewal in now, John.

A Magazine's Radical Plan: Make a Profit
By DAVID CARR - NEW YORK TIMES

For most of his career, David Bradley, the owner of The Atlantic Monthly, helped businesses innovate around seemingly intractable problems. Before buying The Atlantic in 1999, he built a successful consulting firm, the Advisory Board, that eventually went public. But after switching from consulting to owning, he realized that he had never come across something as dysfunctional as the economics of publishing magazines.

Despite significant circulation and advertising gains and a passel of journalism awards since he acquired the magazine from Mortimer Zuckerman, The Atlantic continues to lose millions of dollars a year. So Mr. Bradley, the consultant, advised Mr. Bradley, the magazine owner, to take several steps that are both radical and simple, at least in the publishing industry: charge readers more while shunning the cult of big circulation.

In 2004, The Atlantic Monthly will cut its rate base, the number of copies promised to advertisers, to 325,000 from 450,000 (the magazine's actual average circulation exceeded 500,000 last year). And readers will be asked to pay almost twice as much to subscribe ? about $30 instead of an average of about $16. The changes come after the magazine decreased its frequency to 10 times a year from 12, so the per-copy price is even higher.

"In my 20 years of strategy consulting, I don't know that I came across a more complex proposition than magazine profitability, or at least, ours," Mr. Bradley writes in a letter that will be sent to advertisers today. "The Atlantic is hardly Enron, but neither is it (any time soon) my third I.P.O."

In the letter, Mr. Bradley writes that he will lower ad rates as the number of subscribers declines and suggests that the magazine will be delivering truly engaged readers, not junk subscriptions from third-party sources.

For years, particularly since the Internet bubble burst, the publishing industry has been promising to charge consumers more and has proceeded to do exactly the opposite. According to Capell's Circulation Report, a magazine industry newsletter, the average price of a standard subscription has dropped 17 percent in the five years ending in 2002.

Common sense would suggest that during the biggest advertising downturn in more than a decade, publishers would ask consumers to pay a bigger share. But in 2002, the first year in which the Audit Bureau of Circulations has kept track of average annual subscription prices, the average price per copy rose one cent, according to Capell's June 2003 issue. Magazines like Harper's Bazaar, GQ and Vogue are charging less.

There are exceptions. The Economist has increased its subscription price over the years and now charges an average of $102 a year for its customers in the United States. Its closest rival in the United States on price is Time Inc.'s People, which charges $99.04, up from $96.76 a year ago. But a lush, beautifully produced magazine like Vanity Fair can still be had for an average of $16.21, and much lower if a consumer shops around, particularly on the Internet.

"The magazine industry has trained the American public to undervalue its product," the president of The Atlantic Monthly, John Fox Sullivan, said. "We are raising prices in a way that to our knowledge has never been done, and there are many people who are telling us that we are moving too quickly and we will regret it. But we instinctively believe that there is a core of readers who will pay a good price for this magazine."

The Atlantic Monthly is working from a position of manifest strengths and profound weaknesses. In the last three years, its newsstand sales have increased 94 percent while the average subscription renewal price has risen 35 percent. Its advertising pages were up 31 percent in the last two, very punishing years, and it has won five national magazine awards in the last two years.

But the reason Mr. Bradley and Mr. Sullivan are considering such a high-risk strategy is that the investment that drove those improvements has doubled losses at the magazine, to $8 million a year from $4 million, a company official said.

"There has been a 50-year tradition at the magazine of older male businessmen like myself managing The Atlantic as a philanthropy," Mr. Bradley said. "It was largely subsidized and dependent on finding the next Mort Zuckerman. I think it's possible I may be the last member of that generation, and we have to find a way to make this wonderful magazine support itself."

Dan Capell of Capell's Circulation Report said that The Atlantic had the right idea, although he did not expect many other magazines to follow suit.

"With the current advertising climate, I keep thinking you are going to see more people raising their subscription prices," he said. But "I doubt that it will have much of an influence on other people because they are too worried about their ad revenues"

David Carey, the publisher of The New Yorker, said of The Atlantic's plan: "Historically, this is really a `bet the franchise' move, and the people who have tried it before have lost. For better or worse, the modern-day publishing model is ad leveraged, not circulation leveraged, despite the efforts of some smart people to change that." Mr. Carey has successfully raised The New Yorker's subscription prices in recent years.

Despite advertisers' rhetoric that they prize the quality of circulation more than the quantity, the Hall of Fame for pioneers in circulation is small and littered with corpses. In the summer of 1995, D. Claeys Bahrenburg, then the chief executive of Hearst Magazines, announced that his company would lower the rate bases for 13 of its 15 magazines while raising advertising rates at the same time. Advertisers, none too pleased to be paying more for less, revolted, and Mr. Bahrenburg was out of a job before the end of that year.

But some advertisers are beginning to ask tougher questions about the nature and quality of circulation. With the implosion of sweepstakes magazine marketing (like Publishers Clearing House and American Family Publishers), publishers have turned to third-party suppliers, who often increase circulation through high-pressure telemarketing or door-to-door sales. The resulting subscribers renew at very low rates and may cause advertisers to wonder how much the magazine was wanted in the first place.

"We spend a lot of time looking at the audit statement," said Linda Thomas Brooks, executive vice president and managing director at GM Mediaworks, a media buying firm for General Motors. "The term that we use is `wantedness,' and I think The Atlantic's plan sounds like it will be a demonstration of that."

The Atlantic is not alone in its efforts. Jack Kliger, the chief executive of Hachette Filipacchi Media, has spoken about the need to charge the consumer more, and has acted on his beliefs. In February, for example, the company raised the basic subscription offer for Premiere, the movie magazine, to $12 a year from $10, while dropping the frequency to 10 times a year from monthly. The moves, which coincided with a rate-base cut to 500,000 from 600,000, effectively raised subscription rates by 45 percent.

"For an enthusiast magazine like Premiere, consumers are willing to pay more for quality editorial," said David J. Fishman, senior vice president and group publisher of Premiere. Mr. Fishman said that readers see value in the magazine's additional editorial pages and larger format.

According to the company, newsstand revenues ? the single copy price rose to $3.99 from $3.50 ? have increased 18.5 percent. Mr. Fishman said that renewals and for the magazine had increased as well.

Mr. Bradley holds The Economist out as a model, and he admires National Public Radio's ability to increase its listenership. He is experimenting with a membership concept that would try to pull more revenues out of readers, with news briefings, branded research and advice on topics like restaurants and wine. It is a difficult proposition, because The Economist offers analysis that many people need to compete, while The Atlantic has long narratives that are seen as good to know, but not essential.

How the advertising community will respond to The Atlantic's bold stroke will be revealed next year, when the lower rate base takes effect. "We don't need every 28-year-old ad buyer to think this is a wonderful idea," Mr. Bradley said. "We just need a certain number of people in the advertising community to see the reasonableness of what we are doing."
nytimes.com



To: JohnM who wrote (4220)8/4/2003 8:14:21 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793639
 
Can Dean Win?
The Pros and Cons of An Insurgent
Andrew Sullivan

I'm trying really, really hard to like Howard Dean.

Dean is the current hot candidate for the presidency on the Democratic ticket. A short, rough-around-the-edges populist former doctor, who served several terms as governor of Vermont, Dean has astounded many political observers by rising to close to the top of the pack of the current group of Dems in the polls. He's on the cover of both newsweeklies this week. A new kind of candidate, he built his base in part through the Internet, where he both blogs and raises large amounts of cash - more than any other candidate so far. He has the "straight-talking" buzz of a John McCain. And he has fired up Democratic party activists by asserting clear, if radical, positions on the issues of the day. His best recent quip - and running campaign slogan - is that he represents the Democratic wing of the Democratic party. And when you see the party base's enthusiasm for a man absolutely unashamed to take on president Bush with glee and vigour, it's hard not to root for him as a candidate. He feels alive; he seems fresh; he seems different.

And in some respects, he is. Although he is now the darling of the left of the party, his record as governor of Vermont shows a more pragmatic, even centrist side. He was, as governor, very tight-fisted with money, and dragged the Vermont budget from the red into years of healthy surpluses. He controlled government spending; he defended gun-ownership rights - unthinkable for many Democrats, especially in the liberal Northeast. By incremental steps, rather than a huge Hillary-like overhaul, he extended health benefits to all children in his state. His fiscal conservatism also allows him, alone of his rivals, to tear into the current administration's reckless fiscal policy, ballooning deficits and mounting debt. "We must return to fiscal sanity for the sake of future generations, yes, but also for the sake of our national security," Dean said last week. "We cannot be a world-class country if we are the world's largest debtor."

Dean has also mastered the appearance at least of being a conviction politician. He is nationally most famous for backing the law in Vermont that granted gay couples identical benefits to straight married couples in a compromise called "civil unions." Far from running away from this, as other Democrats have done, Dean has defended it on simple equality grounds. And it doesn't seem to have hurt him much. As gay issues heat up in the campaign, Dean represents a clear alternative to the Bush administration's flirtation with a religious right constitutional amendment to ban all benefits to gay couples of any sort in America.

So where's the catch? In a word: national security. Dean has got himself where he needs to be in the election cycle largely because he strongly opposed the war against Saddam. Earlier this year, as partisan Democrats fumed at the Bush administration's success at building strong support from the war on terror, Dean gave the base what it wanted. He opposed the war forthrightly, while many scared Democrats in the Senate and Congress voted for it. He has been relentless on the alleged missing WMDs issue. When Baghdad was liberated, and Saddam removed from power, Dean came up with his most memorable line yet: "I suppose it's a good thing."

"I suppose." How could anyone be that ambivalent about Saddam's removal? Even those who opposed the war acknowledge for the most part that Saddam was an evil monster. But for Dean, that huge humanitarian advance was balanced by dismay at a success for an administration he loathed. Of course, that naked partisanship is why he appeals to the Democratic Party base. But it also revealed a mean and somewhat haughty streak in the diminutive pol. In debates, that aspect of his personality came out as well - in bitter sparring matches with his nemesis, John Kerry. A while back, I got a taste of the same medicine. I debated Dean in Boston on the issue of drug companies and healthcare. He supported measures to pressure the companies to lower their prices or to allow people to buy reimported drugs from Canada, where the state-controlled prices were lower. My only point was that if this occurred, it would obviously cut drug company profits, which, in turn, would decrease research and development, leading to a slowdown in new drug development in the future. He refused point-blank to concede any trade-off at all. And when challenged, he grew arrogant and testy.

That's another reason why he may be ill-suited to go up against Bush. Whatever you think about the president's policies, one of his strengths is his geniality in debate and public appearances. Up against him, Dean would have to fight extremely hard not to look short and mean and sour. And in an election in which terrorism and national security will be central issues, a candidate who would seem to undermine America's credibility in the reconstruction of Iraq would also have a huge amount of persuasion to do. For even if you disagreed with the war, abandoning Iraq now would be a catastrophe fom which American foreign policy would barely recover. Up against that, a message of tax hikes and gay equality, however justified on the merits, would scarcely be credible.

So the Democrats have a choice again: do they want to vent or do they want to govern? There are, I think, uncanny resemblances between now and 1984 when an austere Democrat ran against Ronald Reagan on taxes and lost 49 states. Or worse, 1968, when a deeply alienated party bloodied itself so badly in its opposition to a war that it essentially handed the national election to Richard Nixon. Sometimes what a party wants to do to purge its soul and restore its principles is excatly what will prevent it from coming to power. Of course, in 1968, the party didn't nominate a real fire-breather; in the end, it nominated a relative moderate, which is what might happen this time, if John Kerry emerges eventually from the throng. But the damage had been done. Maybe Dean can resolve this dilemma with the kind of surprising skill he has exhibited so far. But in all likelihood, he is the Democratic candidate the White House dreams about running against. He'll be portrayed as a mix between Michael Dukakis and Jesse Jackson. And, for all his merits, it won't be pretty.

August 3, 2003, Sunday Times.
copyright © 2003, 2003 Andrew Sullivan