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To: michael97123 who wrote (4256)8/4/2003 2:02:06 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793681
 
Pat Brown's body is a "mouldering in his Grave." Richard Riordan, the ex Mayor of LA, is the best bet. But he is 72 now, and showing it. Here is a good runup on Davis finally figuring out that he was in trouble.

Fighting back
Davis arrives late at idea the recall drive is serious
By Margaret Talev -- Bee Capitol Bureau
Published 2:15 a.m. PDT Sunday, August 3, 2003

SAN FRANCISCO -- An unusually effusive Gov. Gray Davis dropped in last week on a center for abused women and needy children.

Without a trace of irony, he grinned and clapped along as the children at the Cameron House in Chinatown practiced their performance for a talent show that evening:

"I know sometimes it seems as if it's never gonna end.

"But you'll get through it. Just don't give in."

It had been a week since California Secretary of State Kevin Shelley certified a historic election, set for Oct. 7, that could make Davis the first governor to be recalled in this state and only the second ever in the nation. Davis faces a backlash because of the poor economy and voters' sense that state government has run amok.

On this day, though, he seemed giddy, his spirits spiked by the sudden resolution of a state budget stalemate, premature assurances from advisers that a California congresswoman would retract her call for a stronger Democrat to replace him, and rumors that Republican movie star Arnold Schwarzenegger likely wouldn't run on the recall ballot after all.

In the six months since Davis' opponents launched their campaign to oust him, the 60-year-old Democrat has generally maintained the controlled veneer that's been as much a part of his political armor over the years as his helmet of silver hair. He articulates little about his emotions to anyone -- his political advisers, his few friends or even his wife.

"He has been stoic," said Sharon Davis.

Every now and then, though, Davis' veneer cracks, revealing the fear, anger, hope, euphoria, gratitude, ego, denial and humor coursing through him during the most humiliating stretch of his three decades in politics.

Through interviews with the Davises, confidants and political colleagues, what emerges is a picture of a governor who from the start has felt indignation toward the Republicans pushing for his removal but seems only recently to have come to terms with the depths of the public's fickleness and discontent with him, the potential for disloyalty within his own party and the fact that a recall election ever would come to pass.

"Occasionally Sharon and I go off in a corner, and sometimes we pray and sometimes we yell," Davis said in an interview last week. "But we try and understand. We try and ask for guidance and that our emotions work for us and not against us."

As his strategist over the past decade, Garry South knows the governor better than most. South said it's not in Davis' nature to expose his emotions or indulge in self-pity. "His basic demeanor doesn't vary much whether it's a glorious day or a gory day," he said.

Still, it's obvious to South and others in the inner circle how the governor views the recall's backers, including its lead financier, gubernatorial hopeful Darrell Issa.

A conservative Republican congressman from San Diego County, Issa had a short political résumé, little statewide name recognition and a juvenile arrest record. But he had tens of millions of dollars at his disposal from a fortune made in the car alarm business and, in that sense, reminded Davis of other wealthy businessmen with minimal political experience who had challenged him before, including Democrat Al Checchi in 1998 and Republican Bill Simon in last year's general election.

"It's a sense of 'Who the (expletive) does this guy think he is?' " South said.

Issa's checkbook enabled paid petition circulators to gather the number of voter signatures needed to trigger a recall election. Before Issa's involvement in April, the recall campaign was led by anti-tax activists who lacked the money to propel their efforts. Nevertheless, South prepared the governor for the potential that his own party might turn on him.

"I told him back in February when this thing reared its head ... that even though it would be highly desirable to keep all Democrats out of the race, that I just didn't think there was any way it could be done," South said.

After his first election as governor in 1998, Davis was asked by his transition team director for a list of his closest advisers and supporters. "There's nobody," the governor responded.

In five years, little had changed. Davis counted a handful of friendships among staff and campaign donors but his failure to bond over the years with other constitutional officers, lawmakers or congressional representatives left him alone and open to challenges from within his own party.

It was months before the governor faced the music. Attorney General Bill Lockyer, a fellow Democrat, recalls a conversation he had with Davis in late May at a memorial service for fallen firefighters. "I told him then, 'I'm really worried about this. I think it's going to qualify. I think it's going to be a difficult season,' " Lockyer said.

He remembers Davis' response: "You're wrong. It's not going to happen."

The turning point for Davis seemed to come in June, during a telephone conversation with U.S. Sen. Dianne Feinstein, a California Democrat who polls show is the most popular elected official in the state.

Feinstein had been deeply insulted by Davis more than 10 years ago, during the 1992 Democratic primary for the U.S. Senate, when he compared her to convicted tax evader Leona Hemsley.

By late spring some Democratic donors, sensing Davis' weakness, began urging Feinstein to run on a recall ballot.

Instead, Feinstein decided to come to Davis' defense. She had once been the subject of a recall effort and although it had failed, she remembered how painful the experience was at the time.

Feinstein urged fellow Democrats to pledge that they would not run to replace Davis if an election were held. Polls suggested many Californians would vote against a recall if they couldn't choose another Democrat.

But she also told Davis that he must accept that an election was inevitable and begin to fight for his survival.

Until that point, Davis' advisers had been urging him in vain to arrange more public events across the state, be it to promote a budget resolution in the Legislature or simply see more constituents. "After that phone call (with Feinstein), the schedule starting picking up," said his deputy chief of staff, Nancy McFadden.

By early July, Davis was trying to come to terms with his potential field of Republican challengers, including Issa, Simon, former Los Angeles Mayor Richard Riordan and the Austrian-born and heavily accented Schwarzenegger.

Making jokes seemed to help. On Independence Day, Davis' advisers prepped him for a radio interview. What if he was asked to react to polling that showed voters had doubts about a Schwarzenegger administration? "Dat makes me feel goot," he deadpanned.

Humor hasn't toughened him against everything, however. Recall pressures come atop his private anguish at his mother's failing health, and that combination of stresses has made him more vulnerable than he would like.

At least twice this summer, he has nearly broken down in public. Honoring unsung Hmong veterans who aided the United States during the Vietnam War, Davis choked up and had to cut off his remarks in midsentence.

"He knows what it's like to be underestimated and put down," said Davis' Cabinet secretary, Daniel Zingale. "He had to stop himself, because he was almost overcome by the emotions. In a way, I wish he hadn't. I think most people who haven't had the opportunity to know him don't see enough of his humanity."

Another episode came at Feinstein's 70th birthday party in June. Davis was sitting beside the senator as her daughter paid her tribute, and when Feinstein teared up, so did he.

Feinstein has been "extraordinarily helpful to me," Davis said. "I like her a lot as a human being. And I'm grateful for her assistance in this recall effort."

"First we're human beings," he said, "and then we do what we do."

With everything temporarily looking up, last week's stop in San Francisco had Davis feeling less serious and more in command. From his 14th-floor office suite in the city, he joked about how Mayor Willie Brown didn't have nearly as good a view. At one point, he suggested having some role in the picturesque afternoon, as the sun poked through the cool fog.

"By the way, could I please have credit?" he said. "I get blamed for everything, but today was a pretty nice day. Could they say, 'Davis, good day today'?"

And he took a shot at Howard Kaloogian, a former lawmaker with little power who nonetheless has been a spokesman for the recall.

"Someone ought to put him out of his misery," the governor said. "Aren't there minimal standards to get on CNN? Or can anyone walking down the street say, 'Hey I want to say something negative about Davis. Put me on the TV.'?"

Asked whether he felt the worst was behind him, though, Davis quickly reeled himself in. He recalled his failed run for state treasurer, back in 1974. "There was nobody in the race. On the last possible day, (veteran politician) Jess Unruh withdrew his candidacy for the Assembly and decided he wanted to run for treasurer. And with that one act, my campaign was destroyed.

"I have to stay focused," Davis said. "Believe me, I do not like this. But that and a dollar will get me a cup of coffee."



To: michael97123 who wrote (4256)8/4/2003 2:16:34 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793681
 
Larry Miller on Gray Davis. Funny!

Gladiator
Think California's getting a new governor? Don't hold your breath.
by Larry Miller, contributing humorist

ANYONE WHO THINKS Gray Davis's goose is cooked knows nothing about Gray Davis.

Oh, it's in the oven, all right (his goose, that is), and it's been basted, and it's been going for a while. And the table is set, and the guests are seated, and they're all smacking their lips.

But it is by no means cooked. In fact, the Republican party of California has just handed him oven mitts and offered him a chance to take it out.

And I think he will. Maybe I'm screwy, but I think on October 8, the day after the special recall election, California Governor Gray Davis will still be California Governor Gray Davis. Moreover, I think he's going to be Senator Hillary Clinton's running mate in 2008 and the next Democratic vice-president of the United States. And after that? Oh, I think you all know what comes after that.

Don't get me wrong, long before any of this happens (very shortly, in fact, and as a direct result of Davis' pitch-perfect boneheadism), the state of California will have a bond rating just above Chechnya's. Our roads and power plants will look like, well, Chechnya's, and all the schools and businesses are going to--Come to think of it, let's just stay with Chechnya.

But this is not about whether the guy is any good at being governor, or even has the slightest idea of what's in the drawers of his desk. Governing is not his field. That may sound contradictory, or at least ironic, but it's neither. He knows nothing about running an office; his field is running for office, and he is pre-eminent in it.

This moment in California's political life is about survival and winning, and those are the two things Gray Davis does better than anyone I've ever seen. They are the things his soul vibrates to like a tuning fork, the things God created him to do as surely as He created Shakespeare to write, and (What a smart move!) they are the very things Davis has just been dared to do by San Diego Representative Darryl Issa and the Republican party. I believe we've just seen the greatest electoral miscalculation since Gary Hart said, "If you think I'm lying, just follow me around."

I just realized something. Do any of you know what I'm talking about? Is the Gray Davis thing a national story? It bounced around a bunch of papers, but state races are usually only known to people in the state.

I like to think I'm at least a little in touch with national news, but, to be honest, I'm not even sure I could name any other governors. Can anyone? Wait. Pataki in New York. Okay, that's one. The guy in Illinois who did the death penalty thing--but I don't know his name. Oh, Bush in Florida (duh). Okay, that's two. Parris Glendening used to be governor of Maryland, right? But I think the only reason I remember him is that a Kennedy tried to succeed him, and because he has one of those political names that is both fabulous and preposterous, like Estes Kefauver. (It was that one, incidentally, that gave me my first clue, even as a kid, that parents could be so dog-tired at the end of a day they might throw their hands up and say, "Oh, let's just go with 'Estes' and be done with it.")

Now, the reason I don't know any other governors is not because I'm state-o-centric, or, frankly, have any feeling for California at all over Ohio or Alaska. It's a fine place, you understand, with far more terrific people than you might think, and you never need a winter jacket, or even underwear (I use both, by the way). I live here for a reason, though: If you want to make steel, go to Pittsburgh. (Not any more, come to think of it, but you know what I mean.) Maybe it's because people in my line have a little circus blood in us, but where I live at any given moment matters to me as much as whether or not Mr. Clinton wore briefs or boxer shorts, and that matters to me very little. If you ask, "Do you like living in Los Angeles?" I would say, "My family is here, our house is here, I work here, it's in America, the stores have food and liquor. So, yeah, I suppose I like Los Angeles."

I'm pretty sure that's it, though, for governors. I don't know any others. Some in the past, I guess. Cuomo. Ann Richards, right? Tommy Thompson used to be governor of Wisconsin, I think, before he became . . . whatever he is now. Well, Wallace in Alabama, but who wants to be known for that? Hold it. Is Sununu's kid governor of New Hampshire? (Is anyone, now that I mention it?) Wait. Dean was Vermont, right? I guess we all know that one; the fun's just started with him.

I know who the last few governors of California were, because, again, this is where I live and drive around, and if there are two things that are difficult to miss on billboards, it's a candidate's loopy grin, and the crotch of a Calvin Klein model, which, come to think of it, is much the same thing.

So. Gray Davis. I know, technically, there's a provision in the state constitution for recalls, but I think it should only be used if the guy commits a crime, not just for being a giant turd. Is everyone going to use it against everyone else from now on? More important, though, I don't know why this trip helps anyone. If Davis wins, he's St. George against the Republican dragon. If he loses, what Republican wants to claim credit for the next few years anyway? And I still don't think the guy is going to lose. He's a genius at exactly all the stuff that's about to happen.

HE'S BEATEN MILLIONAIRES, and up-and-coming women, and every single human he's ever run against. No one sees it coming, and everyone writes him off, but he's like a truck going five miles an hour. He's the third one on everybody's list after the first two guys kill each other, the tortoise crawling across the finish line. And he's never lost to a hare.

He raises money faster than the Lincoln bedroom, creates more patronage jobs than Boss Tweed, and there are more rigidly loyal people who need him in power for their livelihoods than in Falluja. He's instinctively brilliant about things like rallying Democrats against "the outside forces arrayed against him" by bringing in the outside forces of Bill and Hillary Clinton, who will both be here soon and often.

Gray Davis played off the state's entire energy crisis on Enron, and, listen to me, no one noticed . In a state where the governor, lieutenant governor, attorney general, senate, assembly, and dog catcher are Democrats, he effectively portrayed the budget crisis as the fault of Republican obstructionism, and now that the senate passed a compromise, he can say, "See? It wasn't just me." And he's invisible whenever anything goes wrong. This guy is great at street fighting, and he's just been challenged to a street fight.

Remember the end of "Gladiator"? They brought in the retired champ from Gaul to fight Russell Crowe. The guy had never been defeated, not even close. Of course, in the movie, Russell Crowe beat him easily. In the movie.

In a real coliseum--which is what politics is--I think the guy from Gaul would have had the moves, the experience, and the will to slice the newcomer up like smelly cheese. And he didn't look like the type to show mercy.

The Republicans have just given Gray Davis a trident and one of those spiked-ball-on-a-chain things. And they've opened the door to the arena and held out their hands, smiling, and invited him into combat. He's been called back to the place where he's undefeated, to do the one thing he truly and completely understands, and at which he's been perfect.

And he doesn't look very much like the type to show mercy, either.

Larry Miller is a contributing humorist to The Daily Standard and a writer, actor, and comedian living in Los Angeles.

weeklystandard.com



To: michael97123 who wrote (4256)8/4/2003 5:54:49 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793681
 
[Fixing] Islam's Image Problem

by Daniel Pipes
New York Post
July 29, 2003

Americans are increasingly negative about Islam and Muslims - or so found an important survey that the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press published last week.

Perhaps the most dramatic change has been the jump in Americans who find that Islam, more than other religions, is likely "to encourage violence among its believers." In March 2002, 25 percent of the sample advocated this view. Now 44 percent do.

Other trends concerning Islam are also negative:

* American Muslims: In November 2001, they had positive views from 59 percent of the public. That number fell to 54 percent in March 2002 and now stands at 51 percent.
* Presidential candidate: Americans are much more disinclined to vote for a Muslim for U.S. president than a candidate of another religion: 31 percent say no to a Muslim, versus 20 percent to an evangelical Christian, 15 percent to a Catholic and 14 percent to a Jew.
* Shared values: Asked if "the Muslim religion and your own religion have a lot in common," 31 percent answered affirmatively in November 2001, 27 percent in March 2002, and just 22 percent this year.

What explains this increasingly worried attitude? Clearly, much of it follows on the on-going reality of terrorism, hate-filled statements and other problems tied to militant Islam around the globe. But some of it also results from the problems concerning militant Islam's control of the institutions of American Muslim life.

Whether it be the imam at the local mosque, the principal of the Islamic school, the Muslim chaplain in a prison or the armed forces, the editor of an Islamic publishing house or the spokesman for a national group, the American Muslim scene presents an almost uniform picture of apologetics for terrorism, conspiracy theories about Jews and demands for Muslim privilege.

The Council on American-Islamic Relations, with 17 offices across North America, has emerged as the powerhouse of Muslim groups and best exemplifies this problem. Consider the sentiments of its leadership:

* Omar M. Ahmad (chairman) says suicide bombers "kill themselves for Islam" and so are not terrorists.
* Nihad Awad (executive director) proclaims his "support" for Hamas, the Palestinian terrorist group.
* Ibrahim Hooper (spokesman) declares, "I wouldn't want to create the impression that I wouldn't like the government of the United States to be Islamic sometime in the future."

Nor does CAIR just excuse violence. Two of its former employees, Bassem Khafagi and Ismail Royer, have recently been arrested on charges related to terrorism. And a member of CAIR's advisory board, Siraj Wahhaj, was named by the U.S. attorney as one of the "unindicted persons who may be alleged as co-conspirators" in an attempted terrorist assault.

Despite this ugly record, the U.S. government widely accepts CAIR as representing Islam. The White House invites it to functions, the State Department links to its Web page and Democratic senators rely on its research. In New York City, the mayor appoints its general counsel to the Human Rights Commission and the police department hosts its "sensitivity training" seminar. In Florida, public schools invite it to teach "diversity awareness."

The national media broadcasts its views. Which Muslim, for example, did the Los Angeles Times quote responding to the Pew report? Why, Ibrahim Hooper, of course.

CAIR, in brief, has established itself as the voice of American Islam, thereby battering Islam's noble reputation among Americans.

Moderate Muslims, of course, reject CAIR's representing them.

* The late Seifeldin Ashmawy, publisher of the New Jersey-based Voice of Peace, dismissed CAIR as the champion of "extremists whose views do not represent Islam."
* Tashbih Sayyed of the Los Angeles-based Council for Democracy and Tolerance accuses CAIR of being a "fifth column" in the United States.
* Jamal Hasan of the same organization discerns CAIR's goal as spreading "Islamic hegemony the world over by hook or by crook."

Improving Islam's reputation will require two steps: that the great institutions of American life reject all contact with CAIR and like groups, while moderate Muslims build sound organizations, ones that neither apologize for terrorism nor seek "the government of the United States to be Islamic."

(Technical note: The Pew study, "Religion and Politics: Contention and Consensus," was conducted June 24-July 8. Replies have a 95 percent confidence level and accuracies of +/- 2.5 percent or +/- 3.5 percent.)

From www.danielpipes.org | Original article available at: www.danielpipes.org/article/1179