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Politics : WHO IS RUNNING FOR PRESIDENT IN 2004 -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Raymond Duray who wrote (3790)8/4/2003 4:37:00 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 10965
 
Army of One. WE SUPPORT OUR TROOPS, WHY WON'T BUSH...???

takebackthemedia.com



To: Raymond Duray who wrote (3790)8/4/2003 6:20:36 PM
From: Glenn Petersen  Respond to of 10965
 
I am actually starting to feel sorry for Gephardt. Here is a rather chatty article on some California fund raisers. Be sure to read my follow up post which will include some interesting labor-related allegations concerning Ms. Buell.

Campaign Klatsch

These Fundraisers Have Bundles Of Friends With Oodles of Cash


washingtonpost.com

By Mark Leibovich
Washington Post Staff Writer
Friday, August 1, 2003; Page C01

Susie Tompkins Buell and Amy Rao speak every day, inevitably about politics. Buell is godmother to Rao's daughter. Rao spends weekends at Buell's retreat, in a small coastal village north of San Francisco. They are best friends. Between them, Buell and Rao have a lot of other friends. And a lot of people who want to be their friends, some of them quite ambitious.

Sen. John Kerry called Buell one day last fall. Just to say hi, to let Buell know he was thinking of her. Buell likes this about Kerry -- his attentiveness, his sweet touches. "We can have so much fun, Susie," Buell recalls Kerry telling her. He reminded her -- not for the first time -- how great it would be if she supported his presidential campaign. It was a gorgeous Sunday and Buell was in her car crossing the Golden Gate Bridge. She made her decision to support Kerry right then. "And it felt really good," she says.

Kerry began courting Buell a few months earlier. He invited her, her husband and Rao to lunch one day in San Francisco. Buell, the co-founder of the Esprit clothing company, says she felt an "instant connection" to the Massachusetts Democrat. She found him "open and fun," and he followed up with phone calls and notes. He called on her birthday. He gave her his cell phone number. By the time the John Edwards campaign called, and the Joe Lieberman campaign, and the other candidates got around to calling, "there was no need to go there," says Buell.

She hates being called a fundraiser. "It's like being called a shoe salesman," says Buell. She prefers to discuss her bond with Kerry in terms that are less transactional, like "friendship." "Politics tends to deepen your relationships," says Buell.

She is sitting in a bedroom of her seaside home, a few feet away from Rao, who's the founder and CEO of Integrated Archive Systems, a technology services firm in Palo Alto. Rao also dislikes the term "fundraiser." And yet she and Buell raise funds for Democrats in prodigious amounts, a fact that may explain why they are such sought-after friends among Democratic candidates (and why Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton flew out to visit Buell when she turned 60 last August).

To be elected, politicians need a lot of friends, particularly ones who write them checks. Yet the rules have changed, and so, to a significant degree, has the basic anthropology of political financing.

In the McCain-Feingold world -- where "soft money" contributions are banned and no donation can exceed $2,000 -- the big whale donors who can give $50,000 or $100,000 have been replaced by a breed of well-heeled workhorses like Rao and Buell, who create and maintain fundraising networks on behalf of their candidate. They are "bundlers," people committed to gathering donations from friends. And making new friends.

"I've never seen a political network of friends grow as it's growing here and now," says Rao, who herself has a new friend -- Howard Dean. Despite her own lunch with Kerry, Rao spent part of this spring playing phone tag with the former Vermont governor.

She placed the first call, inspired by Dean's opposition to war in Iraq. Dean called back, and kept calling back and leaving long voice mails at Rao's office and on her cell phone. They set two or three times to talk, but Rao kept missing the appointments. "He was better at calling than I was," Rao says. "I wanted to make sure that when we connected we had time to really talk. We're both busy people. He knows that." They spoke for 30 minutes when Dean finally reached her.

Today, Rao, 40, is working strenuously to raise money for Dean. "I consider myself a mom first, a political activist second and a CEO third," says Rao, whose company is privately held. She hosted a fundraiser for Dean at Spago in Palo Alto that raised $70,000. Dean sent her a box of Vermont chocolates in gratitude, along with a "very nice handwritten note."

Making a Bundle

Among Democrats, this new culture of bundling is revealed starkly in the San Francisco Bay area, a hothouse of liberal-leaning wealth. Although candidates still raise greater sums in New York and Los Angeles, the Bay Area's economy is marked by interconnected industries, such as computing, venture financing and investment banking, that can yield fast rewards under the new fundraising rules. In a sense, the changed world of political fundraising has come to mimic the culture that incubated so much wealth here in the 1990s. Bundlers recruit and nurture other bundlers -- often by e-mail -- in the same way that entrepreneurs or financiers recruit and nurture new talent.

The presidential campaign is in its "venture funding stage," says Donnie Fowler, vice president at Technet, a bipartisan lobby of technology interests. Candidates are here raising money well before there is any voting, just as an entrepreneur would raise money for a business well before it's operational. Even after the stock market and technology downturns, "it's still like an ATM here," says Fowler.

Until the mid-1990s, Silicon Valley was largely indifferent, even hostile to politics. Washington was viewed as a process-burdened impediment to the open-market chaos that thrived here. But Bill Clinton raised significant money here during both of his campaigns for president. The turning point in the region's politicization came in 1996, when a California ballot initiative proposed making it easier for shareholders to sue companies. Opponents of the initiative -- the most ardent being technology CEOs -- raised a stunning $40 million to defeat it.

In the summer of 2000, Cisco Systems CEO John Chambers hosted a fundraiser for then-candidate George W. Bush at his home in Los Altos Hills, Calif., that raised $4 million -- double the record for a Silicon Valley fundraiser. The Bush campaign continues to raise large sums here ($1.6 million during a quickie presidential visit to an airport hotel last month).

But Democrats have been ubiquitous. Sen. Lieberman (Conn.) was here July 22, as was Rep. Dick Gephardt (Mo.). Sen. Bob Graham (Fla.) was here the day before that, Sen. John Edwards (N.C.) was here the weekend before last. Kerry was here Saturday. Dean has made eight visits since the beginning of this year, including one yesterday. Candidate itineraries often include the annotation "No Public Events," which might as well be a dollar sign. The candidates are not here seeking votes. They are seeking friends, the kind of delicate pursuit best conducted in private.

Kerry alone has made 17 visits to Northern California since the end of the 2000 campaign. He attended a "reception and buffet" in his honor on March 13 at the Palace Hotel in San Francisco. It was sponsored by Buell -- and 85 of Kerry's other good friends. The friends were classified thus: six "chairs" (people committed to bundling $50,000 or more), 16 "co-chairs" ($20,000 or more) and 64 "hosts" ($10,000 or more). The affair, which drew 700 people, featured dim sum, spicy tuna tartare, slow-roasted baron of beef and three-cheese tortellini, among other offerings. Kerry did a Q&A. Stephen Stills performed. And the event raised -- if one can put a cash value on friendship -- $900,000 for the John Kerry for President committee. That's more money collected in a few hours than all the other Democratic candidates combined raised in the Bay Area during the first quarter of 2003. Now Susie Buell says that she expects to host a "town-hall-type" fundraiser for Kerry when he comes to San Francisco on Sept. 16.

'They Don't Want to Say No'

The March 13 event was organized by Mark Gorenberg, a partner at Hummer Winblad, one of the Bay Area's signature venture capital firms. Gorenberg, 48, is a minor legend in the new pantheon of bundling. Modest but relentless, he is a true believer who is relatively new to politics (he raised money for Bill Bradley's presidential campaign in 2000). Gorenberg is in a conference room of his San Francisco office, his cell phone ringing. He has a deal in the works (one of the firms he financed is being acquired). He is standing at a dry-erase board, diagramming the mechanics of fundraising in the McCain-Feingold environment. It begins, he says, with a simple principle: "Campaign finance reform has raised the importance of the group rather than the individual."

In the weeks before March 13, Gorenberg held regular conference calls with the event's organizers. Everyone worked from his own Excel spreadsheet, on which potential invitees were catalogued and charted. "Our databases are much more advanced" than those of Washington fundraisers, says David Roux, a venture capitalist at Silver Lake Partners and a self-described "anchor tenant in John Kerry's fundraising mall." Roux has raised close to $250,000 for Kerry's 2002 Senate reelection campaign and 2004 presidential campaign.

Likewise, Roux says, invitations to political fundraisers in Northern California tend to arrive electronically. "In a place like L.A., the invites tend to be these fancy printed things that come in the mail. The events are geared more to social status or some cause. And some quasi-, has-been rocker will entertain." (As opposed to a cutting-edge rocker like Stephen Stills.)

As he has elsewhere, Dean has gained momentum and raised a great deal of cash here in recent months. Compared with Kerry's well-orchestrated network, Dean's operation has the free-form feel of "a guerrilla operation," says Reed Hastings, founder of the online film service Netflix and a friend of Amy Rao's. This is not to say the former Vermont governor is not attentive. "He was incredibly diligent," says Hastings.

Hastings first met Dean at a small reception last fall. There were follow-up phone calls, exchanges of e-mail and a two-hour visit from Dean in Hastings's office when he returned to the Bay Area. Hastings came away "in love with Howard Dean."

Be it by old or new rules, the success of a political fundraiser often distills to the strength of his or her friendships. "One of the reasons people write checks is because they don't want to say no to the person asking them," says Gorenberg, quoting Bob Farmer, Kerry's national campaign treasurer.

As with political activists in Iowa and New Hampshire, many fundraisers have a healthy sense of their own importance. They expect to be called, courted and sent handwritten notes. "They're not as spoiled as people in Iowa or New Hampshire," says Technet's Donnie Fowler. "But they're spoiled enough to want to see everyone at least once. Or at least talk on the phone. Or at least meet them at some round table."

All of which goes to the murky essence of why people become involved in political fundraising. It involves a blend of ideological belief, ego gratification and proximity to eminence. Friendships, to be certain, can carry varied agendas. Friends seek in each other things other than pure fellowship -- be it a sales rep taking a client/friend to a ballgame or a Hollywood director lunching with his good friend, the agent for Julia Roberts.

But the Bay Area's young political culture is less cynical than, say, the Washington norm. Eyes are wider here, affections purer.

Asked if he considers John Kerry his friend, Mark Gorenberg says yes, he does, absolutely. So do a lot of people in Northern California. "He has an incredible ability to be warm and to connect with people," says Gorenberg. Kerry's great at remembering names and picking up where he left off with people. He sees people and can recall details about their families. "It's a great gift," Gorenberg marvels. "It shows that he cares."

It also shows that John Kerry is a skilled politician. Just like George H.W. Bush (whose jotted notes to friends filled a huge volume), just like Bill Clinton (whose Friends of Bill became shorthand for a sprawling personal-political network).

Would Kerry be pursuing these friendships if they didn't benefit his campaign? "We'll see if he remembers those people who were there early," says Gorenberg, who says he is assured that Kerry will. "It's not a question you can really answer now. It's a discussion we can have five years from now." Ideally, during Kerry's reelection campaign.

Kerry does not want to be isolated, Buell says. He seeks connections everywhere. "He really worked on me," Buell says. "I would say he worked me, but that sounds a little crude." In return, Buell, to be crude, worked her network of potential donors on Kerry's behalf.

Each year, Buell and Rao travel to Washington for three days to visit many of the high-level friends they've made. They attended a White House dinner together near the end of the Clinton administration and were seated at the first lady's table. Rao asked why they were placed in such rarefied company, and Hillary Clinton said, "Because you're my girlfriends."

Politics is an exercise in faith for her, Rao says. She cherishes all of the photos she has with politicians, their gratitude, their voice-mail messages. Like the three-minute one she received from Dean after the Spago reception. He told her how much he enjoyed the event, how she did such a great job, had such great energy and was such a pleasure to work with.

Rao saves all of the notes she gets from politicians as keepsakes. They certify her ideals, labors, friendships. She keeps them neatly arrayed in file folders. "So when I'm gone," Rao says, "my kids can look at them and know that their mother did good work."

© 2003 The Washington Post Company



To: Raymond Duray who wrote (3790)8/4/2003 6:21:49 PM
From: Glenn Petersen  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 10965
 
XXXXX DRUDGE REPORT XXXXX MON AUGUST 04, 2003 16:51:35 ET XXXXX

KERRY IN SWEAT FLAP ON EVE OF UNION CONVENTION

Democratic presidential hopeful John Kerry hit turbulence on convention eve at the AFL-CIO, the largest US labor federation, after it was revealed the candidate has been wined, dined and fundraised by the controversial Susie Tompkins Buell.

Friday's WASHINGTON POST style-section splash on Buell -- the co-founder of the ESPRIT clothing company -- failed to include stunning allegations of sweatshop profiteering!

Before Kerry presents his position Tuesday night in Chicago on protecting the right of workers to organize, a sweaty review of Buell's ESPRIT:

The Department Of Labor Raided Eight Sweatshops In San Francisco, Including Three Which Were Manufacturing Goods For Susie Buell’s Company.

Ø Three Of The Eight San Francisco Garment Contractors Raided By The Department Of Labor Were Manufacturing Clothing For Esprit. “Just six months earlier, in a bust of eight Bay Area garment contractors, three of those cited were working for Esprit.” (Laurie Udesky, “Sweatshops Behind The Labels,” The Nation, 5/16/94)

Ø The Department Of Labor Found That An Esprit Contractor Doctored Payroll Records And Refused To Pay Overtime. “Those three, according to D.O.L. documents, were doctoring payroll records and not paying overtime. After the shops paid the back wages, at least one seamstress complained to the state Labor Commission that the employer was asking for kickbacks.” (Laurie Udesky, “Sweatshops Behind The Labels,” The Nation, 5/16/94)

Ø An Esprit Contractor Paid Its Workers Less Than Minimum Wage. “Although the minimum wage is barely livable at $4.25 an hour, the shop contracted by Esprit paid only $3.75 with no overtime.” (Laurie Udesky, “Sweatshops Behind The Labels,” The Nation, 5/16/94)

Ø A Labor Investigator Said He Believed Clothing Companies Are Responsible For Garment Workers Who Manufacture Their Goods. “D.O.L. investigator Harry Hu is less philosophical: ‘Clothing manufacturers are responsible because the garment workers are sewing garments that belong to them.’ Indeed, to catch manufacturers who turn a blind eye to contractor abuses, the D.O.L. has threatened to enforce the ‘hot goods’ provision of the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938. This allows the government to halt the shipment of goods out of state if a contractor violates child labor, minimum wage or overtime laws.” (Laurie Udesky, “Sweatshops Behind The Labels,” The Nation, 5/16/94)

Ø The Department Of Labor Wanted Esprit To Cease Shipping Goods Made By The Sweatshops. “The D.O.L. says Esprit has been cooperative in holding payment to contractors until investigations are finished. But Hu cautions that manufacturers aren’t going far enough. ‘We don’t agree with what Esprit is doing right now … We want Esprit and other manufacturers not to ship the goods, but they ship them anyway.’” (Laurie Udesky, “Sweatshops Behind The Labels,” The Nation, 5/16/94)

Ø A Company Spokesman Said It Was More Important For The “Socially Responsible” Esprit To Stay In Business Than It Was For The Corporation To Pay Its Garment Workers A Livable Wage. “Esprit’s affable spokesman Dan Imhoff says that garment workers should be paid a wage that ‘allows them a reasonable life style.’ But asked specifically about what Esprit could do to insure this, he shifts the responsibility back to the contractor. ‘The bottom line is Esprit has to pay its own workers a fair wage. Do you think a socially responsible business would survive if it would pay twice as much to its contractor? How can a company stay in business?’ This is getting in a very tough nerve. ‘Perhaps,’ he continues, ‘Esprit isn’t the shining example that you want. … Esprit can only change so many things at one time.’” (Laurie Udesky, “Sweatshops Behind The Labels,” The Nation, 5/16/94)

Ø Even Some Sewing Contractors Decided Not To Solicit Esprit’s Business Because The “Socially Responsible” Company “Bid Too Low.” “Outside the glamorous fashion world in San Francisco some sewing contractors talk guardedly of their frustrations with high-profile manufacturers. One says her shop stays away from Esprit because they ‘bid too low.’ Others complain that manufacturers will not even quote them a price for work until they finish a job. Contractor Louis Quan, who in the past worked for Esprit, makes the point: ‘When it gets down to the bottom line, they’re going to use price as a guideline, whether a manufacturer is socially responsible or whatever.’” (Laurie Udesky, “Sweatshops Behind The Labels,” The Nation, 5/16/94)

Ø The Department Of Labor Raided The Sweatshops Manufacturing Esprit Clothing In the Same Year That Buell Launched A Campaign That Asked Customers To Finish The Statement: “If I Could Change The World, I’d…” “That year Esprit also received much favorable publicity for a campaign that invited consumers to fill out cards finishing the sentence, If I could change the world, I’d… Esprit turned the responses into an $8 million public education/ad campaign. ‘We thought, wouldn’t it be great to give voice to these people. … there was so much passion,’ explains Esprit public relations director Cassie Ederer. One respondent, an African-American woman, wrote in: ‘If I could change the world, I’d end racism and the killing of my people in the streets.’” (Laurie Udesky, “Sweatshops Behind The Labels,” The Nation, 5/16/94)

Ø The Nation, An Ultra-Liberal Magazine, Suggested That The Women Toiling In Esprit Supported Sweatshops, Would Have Said: “If I Could Change The World, I’d Be Paid A Decent Wage.” “Had they been asked, some of the women who sew for Esprit might have said, ‘If I could change the world, I’d be paid a decent wage.’ Last year the Department of Labor raided a San Francisco garment shop that works on contract for Esprit and owed its workers $127,000 in back wages.” (Laurie Udesky, “Sweatshops Behind The Labels,” The Nation, 5/16/94)

· In The Mid-1970s, The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) Sanctioned An Esprit-Owned Factory In San Francisco - One That Paid Its Workers $2 An Hour And Was Closed By Buell When The Workers Tried To Unionize.

Ø In The 1970s, Esprit Purchased A Sewing Company In San Francisco And Paid The Mainly Female And Asian Workers $2 An Hour. “With the company’s rapid growth, a sewing company had been purchased in San Francisco’s Chinatown. And if conditions in Esprit’s headquarters seemed utopian, they were anything but at the Great Chinese-American Sewing Company [GCA]. The predominantly female, Chinese workers were being paid just $2 an hour and suffered sweat shop indignities such as not being able to use the bathroom between breaks.” (Richard Rapaport, “The Rise, Fall And Repositioning Of Esprit And Its Founders: Goodbye Susie,” California Business, 8/92)

Ø The NLRB Found That The Esprit Factory Threatened Employees In Order To Keep Them From Organizing A Union. “The company was accused, and later found guilty, by the National Labor Relations Board of illegal interrogations, threats of discharge, to withhold paychecks and even threats - later acted upon - to close the shop to stave off unionization. This lead to an ugly strike which marred Esprit’s image during this period.” (Richard Rapaport, “The Rise, Fall And Repositioning Of Esprit And Its Founders: Goodbye Susie,” California Business, 8/92)

Ø On January 28, 1977 The NLRB Found That Esprit Closed The Factory Because The Workers Tried To Form A Union. “The Administrative Law Judge found that … the reason for the GCA closure was not solely economic. That the precipitating reason was the advent of the Union. He therefore found that the GCA plant closure with the consequent termination of employees violated Section 8(a)(3) of the Act. To remedy the unfair labor practices, he ordered that Respondents reopen GCA and recognize and bargain with the Union.” (National Labor Relations Board, 227 N.L.R.B. 1670, January 28, 1977)

Ø In Its 1977 Decision, The NLRB Ordered Esprit To Cease And Desist From:

“Interrogating employees concerning their activities on behalf of the Union.”

“Threatening to discharge employees for engaging in activities in support of the Union.”

“Threatening employees that their paychecks will be withheld unless they turn over to Respondents any authorization cards they execute for the Union.”

“Promising and then granting employees a pay raise to induce abandoning support of the Union.”

“Informing employees that the Great Chinese American Sewing Company will close its plant unless they abandon support of the Union.”

“Discharging any employee for engaging in concerted protected activity or for soliciting authorization cards for San Francisco Joint Board, International Ladies Garment Workers Union, AFL-CIO, or any other labor organization.”

“Terminating any of their operations in retaliation for activities of their employees in support of the Union.”

“Refusing to bargain in good faith with San Francisco Joint Board, International Ladies Garment Workers Union, AFL-CIO, including bargaining about the decision to close the Great Chinese American Sewing Company plant at San Francisco, California, and the effects of said decision on the unit employees.” (National Labor Relations Board, 227 N.L.R.B. 1670, January 28, 1977)

Ø The NLRB Criticized Esprit’s “Paternalism” After Susie Buell’s Husband Referred To The Factory As A “Sort Of Model Sewing Shop In The Social Sense Of The Words.” “According to the National Labor Relations Board, Esprit threatened, harassed and intimidated the workers, and then shut down the would-be union plant. The N.L.R.B. … wrote a scathing criticism of Doug Tompkins’s ‘thread of paternalism,’ lambasting him for shutting down his plant in response to ‘perceived ingratitude.’ The N.L.R.B. says Tompkins’s paternalism was also apparent in his description of the factory - his insistence, for example, that the shop was a ‘distinctive experiment,’ a ‘sort of model sewing shop in the social sense of the words.’” (Laurie Udesky, “Sweatshops Behind The Labels,” The Nation, 5/16/94)

Ø Ten Years After Esprit Closed The Factory, The Company Paid $1.2 Million To Its Former Sweatshop Workers. By The Mid-1990s, Esprit Still Had Successfully Defeated Any Attempt To Organize A Union. “Esprit vigorously challenged the N.L.R.B.’s decision in appellate court, which upheld the board and ordered payment of back wages. More than ten years after the plant closed, Esprit paid $1.2 million to those of the former workers who could be tracked down. Tompkins no longer owns the company, and spokesman Imhoff, asked about the unionbusting, says only, ‘That’s before my time.’ But, he ventures, ‘it’s a private company, and I imagine they didn’t want to go public.’ There have been no successful organizing efforts since at Esprit.” (Laurie Udesky, “Sweatshops Behind The Labels,” The Nation, 5/16/94)

While Susie Buell Profited From The Toil Of Low-Paid Minority Workers, Her Firm Marketed Itself As Socially Conscious And Offered Its Head Office Employees Extravagant Perks.

· From The Company’s Inception, The Owners “Infused [Esprit] With A Strong California Sensibility And Liberal Social Conscience.” “Esprit de Corp. was founded in 1970 by Doug and Susie Tompkins, who infused it with a strong California sensibility and liberal social conscience. The company’s wholesale business grew rapidly throughout the late ‘70s and into the next decade. International partners helped turn it into a global brand. Esprit never let success get in the way of its less-than-conventional attitude.” (Marianne Wilson, “Shopping Esprit,” Chain Store Age, 5/1/02)

· Esprit Marketed Their “Socially And Environmentally Responsible Clothing” To Young People. “[S]hoppers in the woodsy, airy outlet of the youth-oriented clothing company Esprit browse beneath giant posters hanging from the ceiling imploring them to ‘Be Informed. Be Involved. Make a Difference.’ The shoppers can select from Esprit’s ‘Ecollection’ line, made from organically grown cottons and wools tinted with natural dyes. ‘Socially and environmentally responsible clothing’ is how Esprit’s brochure describes it. Politics at the level of consumption has been profitable for Esprit…” (Laurie Udesky, “Sweatshops Behind The Labels,” The Nation, 5/16/94)

· By 1973, Esprit’s Head Office Contained A “Richly Landscaped Exterior” And A Roof-Top Garden. “This grandiosity of vision became clear in 1973, when the $12 million a year, 150-employee company moved into a new headquarters. It was a former wine storage facility which Doug renovated with a richly landscaped exterior inside of which was built well-lit work areas, lounges, showers, a full kitchen and a roof garden.” (Richard Rapaport, “The Rise, Fall And Repositioning Of Esprit And Its Founders: Goodbye Susie,” California Business, September, 1992)

· Esprit’s Main Office Employees Received Access To The Company Gym And Lectures From Feminist Activist Gloria Steinem. “The work force at the company’s main offices in San Francisco enjoys perks that range from a company gym and compensation for volunteer work on the cause of their choice, to an in-house lecture series featuring such figures as Earth First!-er Dave Foreman and Ms. founder Gloria Steinem.” (Laurie Udesky, “Sweatshops Behind The Labels,” The Nation, 5/16/94)

· While Their Workers Earned $2 Per Hour, Esprit Offered Corporate Employees Rafting Trips To Africa And Hiking Adventures In The Grand Canyon. “The company expanded into 34 countries, and worldwide licensed sales grew to $1.2 billion, although Esprit collected only one-third of that. … Employee benefits were so lavish that Esprit was dubbed Little Utopia. Perks included raft trips in Africa, free language lessons, and backpacking trips to the Grand Canyon.” (Laura Zinn and Michael Oneal, “Will Politically Correct Sell Sweaters?” Business Week, 3/16/92).

Developing...

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Filed By Matt Drudge
Reports are moved when circumstances warrant
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(c)DRUDGE REPORT 2003
Not for reproduction without permission of the author