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Politics : WHO IS RUNNING FOR PRESIDENT IN 2004 -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: calgal who wrote (3885)8/6/2003 11:50:14 AM
From: calgal  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 10965
 
.Dems want to bench judges of faith

By Jonah Goldberg

Are Senate Democrats anti-Catholic? Probably not.
Are Republicans right to accuse Democrats of religious bias against Catholics? Probably, yes.
If I sound ambivalent, it's because I am. On the one hand, I think the suggestion that the Senate Democrats who oppose Alabama Attorney General William Pryor are religious bigots is unfair. Several of the Democrats on the Judiciary Committee are themselves Catholic.
Their objection to Pryor's nomination for a federal judgeship rests on their zealotry on one side of the abortion issue and what they perceive as Mr. Pryor's zealotry on the other side. Senators Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., and Ted Kennedy, D- Mass., and the rest are very pro-abortion and Mr. Pryor is very anti. He's called Roe vs. Wade "the worst abomination in the history of constitutional law" and that it has "led to the slaughter of millions of innocent, unborn children. That's my personal belief."
In response, the Democrats, particularly Schumer and Feinstein, keep harping on what Schumer calls Pryor's "very, very deeply held views." Feinstein explained to Pryor, "Virtually in every area you have extraordinarily strong views which continue to come out in a number of different ways."
The problem is that those "deeply held views" are the required views of observant and faithful Catholics - and Baptists, Mormons, Orthodox Jews, etc. In other words, if in your heart you adhere to the instructions of your faith on a major moral issue, you are unqualified or at least less qualified to hold important government positions.
The Democratic senators say they don't care that Mr. Pryor's views stem from his Catholicism. If he were an Indian shaman or Buddhist priest, the Democrats would still be against him so long as he was opposed to Roe vs. Wade (though considering how many liberal constituencies see Buddhists and Indians as exotic, Democrats would probably be nicer to Pryor if he converted).
But just because the Democrats are not bigoted, that doesn't mean they aren't biased. A number of liberal journalists, Richard Cohen of The Washington Post, Peter Beinart of the New Republic and even Byron York, my colleague at National Review, have accused the Republicans of hypocritically accusing the Democrats of bigotry.
This strikes me as unfair on two counts. First, the Republicans have generally taken care not to accuse Democrats of personal animosity toward Catholics. Second, as is so often the case with charges of hypocrisy, the other side is hypocritical too. For years, the lynchpin of liberal jurisprudence on civil rights has been the notion that one does not need to prove malice or bigotry to demonstrate that discrimination is taking place. All one need do is show that a given policy leads to a "disparate impact."
For example, poll taxes and literacy tests were overturned by the courts because they were deemed, correctly, to discriminate against blacks. Personally, I have no problem with the idea that people should know how to read before they can vote. That doesn't make me a bigot, but it does mean I favor a policy that might disproportionately impact blacks. (My solution: Improve education.)
The point is that, thanks to liberals, as a matter of law and politics we've come to accept that "disproportionality" - in women's athletics, minority hiring, insuring the elderly or disabled, etc. - is often prima facie evidence of "bias." If we're hypocrites for using this logic, liberals are hypocrites for abandoning it.
The Democrats are taking the position that if you agree with your faith on abortion, gay rights, etc., then you face the presumption of incompetence when it comes to enforcing the law of the land. By this standard, serious and committed people of faith will be less likely to be approved for judgeships. Think of it this way: If our elected leaders took the position that anybody who believes eating pork is wrong can't work for the Department of Agriculture, "serious" Muslims and Jews would be barred from such jobs.
This is most certainly a bias against "serious" Catholics, among others. In fact, it's a bias against religious faith in general. I'm no absolutist on this. If a religion says a man can burn his wife or murder your children, that's certainly something to worry about.
But many of the "deeply held views" of Mr. Pryor and others (remember the Ashcroft nomination hearings) are mainstream and traditional views held by tens, if not hundreds, of millions of Americans.
If Democrats believe such views should disqualify you from government service, we should have an argument about it. Sure, Republicans can sound tone deaf and hypocritical for crying bigotry the way liberals so often do on matters of race and sexuality. And the "No Catholics Need Apply" rhetoric can go too far. But that doesn't mean they're wrong for bringing the issue up.

Jonah Goldberg is editor at large of National Review Online.

URL:http://www.washingtontimes.com/commentary/20030806-102444-7044r.htm



To: calgal who wrote (3885)8/6/2003 11:53:40 AM
From: calgal  Respond to of 10965
 
Howard Dean's game

By Jacqueline Salit

Whilepunditsdebate whether he is too "left-wing" to win the presidency, Howard Dean has systematically edged out the competition to his left. Dennis Kucinich's viability was predicated on grabbing the "I'm angry at Bush" slot. Mr. Dean has cut him off at the pass. Al Sharpton has not succeeded in establishing a broad progressive appeal, and remains the black candidate for whom black voters will have to decide whether to cast a symbolic vote — though he hasn't said what the symbolism is. Carol Moseley Braun has not proven herself to be a serious contender.
Having cornered the market on the insurgent left vote, Mr. Dean now moves on to challenge the official liberal, John Kerry, and the official labor candidate, Richard Gephardt. All the while, the centrist Democratic Leadership Council is dogging him with the spectre of the McGovern debacle of 1972.
Mr. Dean, wisely enough, is not haunted by 1972. While "electable wing" Democrats like to invoke the famous George McGovern meltdown, in which the anti-Vietnam War candidate carried only one state against Republican President Richard Nixon, the parallels are dubious.
The 1972 election is best understood as the last gasp of the 1960s, in which Democratic Party regulars — furious about the McGovernites takeover of the nominating process — gave their own presidential nominee a drubbing. Ironically, though, George McGovern was neither a leftist nor a standard-bearer for the party's left wing. He was the guy who got to rewrite party rules off the 1968 Democratic Convention debacle and became the beneficiary of that internal restructuring.
The Democratic Party left hit its high-water mark in the Dump Johnson movement in 1968, but was actually on the decline by the time Mr. McGovern's rules changes allowed him to capture the nomination. If Mr. Dean were to win the Democratic nomination in 2004, it would not be as a result of controlling the party's electoral apparatus, but because a left insurgency managed to explode the grip of the centrist New Democrats.
Now that he has marginalized the other left Democratic presidential contenders, the pressure is on to broaden his appeal to other — some say more moderate — voters. The danger for Mr. Dean is that he not sacrifice his authenticity in the process.
Mr. Dean seems acutely aware of this danger. In his efforts, for example, to reach out to independent voters (who themselves occupy multiple points along the ideological spectrum) Mr. Dean has participated in a new national screening process by independent voters called "Choosing an Independent President 2004." This group — based in 47 states — asked how he'll shape his campaign to appeal to the growing independent constituency (now 35 percent of all voters). Mr. Dean responded, "I won't shape my campaign one bit — I'll run the same campaign I've been running from the beginning." In response to another question, Mr. Dean stated "I believe that both parties are guilty of not giving people a reason to vote."
Independent voters could figure prominently in the primary season, as 22 states hold open primaries where independents may vote. Critical early states like New Hampshire and South Carolina are among them. Mr. Dean's participation in the "Choosing" process and his recent endorsement by former independent Gov. Lowell Weicker of Connecticut create bridges to those voters. But Mr. Dean must also have an authentic cause with which to inspire them.
Some have wondered whether the ballooning deficit — $455 billion — could ignite another voter rebellion on the scale of the one Ross Perot led in 1992. Mr. Dean is a fiscal conservative with his Vermont record to prove it. But the heart of the Perot phenomenon was not fiscal conservatism, it was anti-establishment populism. Can Mr. Dean grab that niche? John McCain, did but was only able to take it to second place in the Republican primary. The question is whether Mr. Dean becomes the first post-September 11 Democrat ready to go all the way. All the way, in this case, would mean a no-holds barred anti-corruption campaign to the independent voter.
Ultimately, the question is not whether Mr. Dean is moderate enough — it's really whether he's radical enough to challenge the categories of American politics. To do so, he must construct an electoral coalition that goes beyond the left and beyond narrow Democratic partisanship, even as he pursues the Democratic nomination.
George W. Bush won the election as a compassionate conservative. Perhaps Mr. Dean could win it as a moderate radical. But if Mr. Dean remains anti-Bush because he is a Democrat, he will not succeed. If he becomes identified as anti-Bush because he is an anti-establishment American, that could be a different story.

Jacqueline Salit is the political director of the Committee for a Unified Independent Party. She ran Mike Bloomberg's campaign to independent voters in New York City's 2001 mayoral contest.




washingtontimes.com