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Politics : Stockman Scott's Political Debate Porch -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: TigerPaw who wrote (24513)8/7/2003 12:02:45 PM
From: No Mo Mo  Respond to of 89467
 
Very good. Thank you.



To: TigerPaw who wrote (24513)8/7/2003 12:08:34 PM
From: Rascal  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
*

Some of you may remember that the last time I talked formally on the topics that we're here to talk about today was a little less than a year ago in San Francisco, when I argued that the president's case for urgent and unilateral preemptive war in Iraq was less than convincing and needed to be challenged more effectively by the Congress.

In light of developments since then, you might assume that my purpose today is to revisit the manner in which we were led into war, and to some extent that will be the case, but only as part of a larger theme that I feel very strongly needs to be explored on an urgent basis.

The direction in which our nation is being led now is deeply troubling to me, not only in Iraq, but also here at home, on economic policy, social policy and environmental policy.

Millions of Americans now share a feeling that something pretty basic has gone wrong in our country and that some important American values are being placed at risk. And they want to set it right.

The way we went to war in Iraq illustrates this larger problem. Normally, we Americans lay the facts on the table and talk through the choices before us and make a decision. But that didn't really happen with this war, not the way it should have.

And as a result, too many of our soldiers are paying the highest price for the strategic miscalculations, serious misjudgments and historic mistakes that have put them and our nation in harm's way.

I'm convinced that one of the reasons we did not have a better public debate before the Iraq war started is because so many of the impressions that the majority of the country had back then turned out to have been completely wrong.


Now, leaving aside for the moment the question of how these false impressions got into the public's mind, I think it might be healthy to take a hard look at the ones that we now know were wrong and clear the air so we can better see exactly where we are now and what changes might need to be made.

In any case, what we now know to have been false impressions before the war, include the following.

Number one, Saddam Hussein was partly responsible for the attack against us on September 11th, 2001, so a good way to respond to that attack would be to invade his country and forcibly remove him from power.

Number two, Saddam was working closely with Osama bin Laden and was actively supporting members of the Al Qaida terrorist group by giving them weapons and money and bases and training, so launching a war against Iraq would be a good way to stop Al Qaida from attacking us again.

Number three, Saddam was about to give the terrorists poison gas and deadly germs that he had made into weapons which they could use to kill lots of Americans. Therefore, common sense alone seemed to dictate that we should send our military into Iraq in order to protect our loved ones and ourselves against a grave threat.

Number four, Saddam was on the verge of building nuclear bombs and giving them to the terrorists, and since the only thing then preventing Saddam from acquiring a nuclear arsenal was access to enriched uranium, once our spies found out that he had bought the enrichment technology he needed and was actively trying to buy uranium from Africa, it seemed like we had very little time left.

Therefore, it seemed imperative during last fall's election campaign to set aside less urgent issues like the economy, and instead focus on the congressional resolution approving the war in Iraq.

Number five, our GIs would be welcomed with open arms by cheering Iraqis who would help them quickly establish public safety, free markets and representative democracy, so there wouldn't be that much of a risk that U.S. soldiers would get bogged down in a guerrilla war.

Number six, even though the rest of the world was mostly opposed to the war, they would quickly fall in line after we won, and then contribute lots of money and soldiers to help out, so there wouldn't be that much risk that U.S. taxpayers would get stuck with a huge bill.

Now, of course, everybody knows that every single one of these impressions was just dead wrong.

For example, according to the just-released congressional investigation, Saddam had nothing whatsoever to do with the attacks of September 11th. Therefore, whatever other goals it served--and it did serve some other goals--the decision to invade Iraq made no sense as a way of exacting revenge for 9/11.

To the contrary, the U.S. pulled significant intelligence resources out of Pakistan and Afghanistan in order to get ready for the rushed invasion of Iraq, and that disrupted the search for Osama at a critical time. And the indifference that we showed to the rest of the world's opinion in the process undermined the global cooperation we need to win the war against terrorism.

In the same way, the evidence now shows clearly that Saddam did not want to work with Osama bin Laden at all, much less give him weapons of mass destruction, so our invasion of Iraq had no effect on Al Qaida other than to boost their recruiting efforts.

And on the nuclear issue, of course, it turned out that those documents were actually forged by somebody, though we don't know who.

And as for the cheering Iraqi crowds that we anticipated, unfortunately--very unfortunately--that did not pan out either, so now our troops are in an ugly and dangerous situation.

Moreover, the rest of the world certainly is not jumping in to help out very much, the way we expected, so U.S. taxpayers are now having to spend $1 billion every week.

In other words, when you put it all together it was just one mistaken impression after another, lots of them.


And it's not just in foreign policy, because the same thing has been happening in economic policy, where we've also now got another huge and threatening mess on our hands.

I'm convinced one reason we've had so many nasty surprises in our economy is that the country somehow got lots of false impressions about what we could expect from the big tax cuts that were enacted, including: one, the tax cuts would unleash a lot of new investment that would create lots of new jobs; two, we wouldn't have to worry about a return to big budget deficits, because all the new growth in the economy caused by the tax cuts would lead to a lot of new revenue; three, most of the benefits would go to average middle-income families not to the wealthy, as some partisans claimed.

Unfortunately, here, too, every single one of these impressions turned out to be wrong. Instead of creating jobs, for example, we are losing millions of jobs: three years in a row of net losses. That hasn't happened since the Great Depression.

As I've noted before, I was the first one laid off.

And you never forget something like that.

And it turns out that most of the benefits of the tax cuts actually are going to the highest-income Americans, who, unfortunately, are the least likely group to spend money in ways that create jobs during times when the economy is weak and unemployment is rising.

And, of course, the budget deficits are already the biggest ever, with the worst still due to hit us. As a percentage of our economy, we have had bigger deficits, but these are by far the most dangerous we've ever had for two reasons. First, they're not temporary; they're structural and long-term. Second, they're going to get even bigger just at the time when the big baby boomer retirement surge starts. Moreover, the global capital markets have begun to recognize the unprecedented size of this emerging fiscal catastrophe.

In truth, the current executive branch of the U.S. government is radically different from any since the McKinley administration 100 years ago.

The 2001 winner of the Nobel Prize for Economics, George Akerlof, went even further last week in Germany when he told Der Spiegel, and I quote, ``This is the worst government the U.S. has ever had in its more than 200 years of history.''

I didn't say that. That's the winner of the Nobel Prize for Economics.

He said, ``This is not normal policy.'' In describing the impact of the Bush policies on America's future, Akerlof added, quote, ``What we have here is a form of looting,'' end quote. Now again, that's the Nobel Prize winner in economics.


Ominously, the capital markets have just pushed U.S. long-term mortgage rates higher soon after the Federal Reserve Board once again reduced discount rates. Monetary policy loses some of its potency when fiscal policy just comes unglued, and after three years of rate cuts in a row, Alan Greenspan and his colleagues simply don't have much room left for further reductions.

This situation is particularly dangerous for our economy right now for several reasons. First, because home buying, fueled by low rates, along with car buying, also fueled by low rates, have been just about the only reliable engines that have been pulling the economy forward.

Secondly, so many Americans now have variable rate mortgages, so the increases hit people quickly and hard.

And third, it comes at a time when average personal debt is at an all-time record high. A lot of Americans are living on the economic edge.

It seems obvious to me that big and important issues, like the Bush economic policy and the first preemptive war in U.S. history, should have been debate more thoroughly in the Congress and covered more extensively in the news media and better presented to the American people before our nation made such fateful choices. But that didn't happen. And now in both cases, reality is turning out to be very different from the impressions that were given when the votes and the die were cast.

* AL GORE DELIVERS REMARKS AT NEW YORK UNIVERSITY ON PRESIDENT BUSH'S IRAQ POLICY
Thu Aug 07 2003 11:48:22 ET

Thank you. It's great to be here and I appreciate your presence. Thank you so much for being here and for what you do on a regular basis.

OK.

I want to especially thank MoveOn.org for sponsoring this event and NYU for letting us use this beautiful facility and the NYU College Democrats for co-hosting it, cosponsoring it. I appreciate it very much.

Thank you, Michael Phillips (ph) and Eli Pariser (ph). A special thanks to my former colleague John Brademas (ph). I appreciate your kind words and Tipper and I are delighted to be with you today.

MORE

Rascal @TimeLineIsTelling.com



To: TigerPaw who wrote (24513)8/7/2003 12:55:06 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 89467
 
New Economy Has Its Revenge on U.S. Workers

reuters.com



To: TigerPaw who wrote (24513)8/7/2003 1:56:42 PM
From: stockman_scott  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 89467
 
General Says Saddam Moves 3 Times a Day

By D'ARCY DORAN
The Associated Press
Thursday, August 7, 2003; 11:49 AM
washingtonpost.com

TIKRIT, Iraq - Saddam Hussein has been forced to move at least three times a day because of mounting raids by U.S. forces on sites where soldiers have found evidence that someone important - perhaps the ousted Iraqi leader himself - had been hiding, a U.S. general said Thursday.

As the raids eat away at Saddam's support network, it has become increasingly difficult for guerrilla leaders to find foot soldiers willing to attack U.S. forces - driving the amount paid for a successful attack as high as $5,000 from $1,000, said Maj. Gen. Ray Odierno, commander of the 4th Infantry Division, citing Army intelligence.

"He is clearly moving three or four times every single day," Odierno told a news conference at his headquarters in one of Saddam's former palaces. "From some of the raids we've done there are indications that somebody has been moving through there - somebody extremely important."

Saddam is likely being protected by a network of tribal and family supporters who are helping him move around, Odierno said.

The manhunt for the ousted Iraqi president is now focusing on a certain kind of terrain and building - in both rural and urban areas - that Saddam can exploit for security purposes, Odierno added, declining to elaborate further.

The top allied commander also said the U.S. military, in a change in strategy, has decided to limit the scope of its raids in Iraq after receiving warnings from Iraqi leaders that the large military sweeps were alienating the public.

Lt. Gen. Ricardo S. Sanchez, the chief commander of allied forces in Iraq, said in an interview in Thursday editions of The New York Times that the military had virtually exhausted the gains from the massive raid approach.

"It was a fact that I started to get multiple indicators that maybe our iron-fisted approach to the conduct of ops was beginning to alienate Iraqis," Sanchez said, referring to military operations.

American commanders said they decided to revise their approach after concluding that the overall number of attacks against U.S. forces had subsided and that Iraqis were providing more intelligence, a development U.S. officers say will enable them to take more of a "precision approach" in planning their operations to capture or kill Saddam and former ranking officials from his government.

In one of the raids, soldiers from the 22nd Infantry's first battalion believe they came within 24 hours of catching Saddam's new security chief - and possibly the dictator himself - at a farm in eastern Tikrit on July 27.

In the past two weeks, soldiers in Tikrit have captured Saddam's Tikrit security chief, three Iraqi generals, several Fedayeen militia organizers and one of Saddam's most trusted bodyguards, who is believed have knowledge of the dictator's hideouts.

"I don't know if we're getting closer or not," Odierno said. "But there are signs that we are taking down a lot of people who were close to him."

All raids, even those not targeting Saddam, crank up the pressure on the former dictator - making his life in hiding more difficult, the general said.

"He must move often because his support structure has been affected," he said.

Since the death of his sons Odai and Qusai last month, each raid triggers a new flurry of tips that fuel new operations, said Lt. Col. Steve Russell, commander of the 22nd Infantry Regiment's 1st Battalion, which has conducted the Tikrit raids.

"We are eroding all of the support of the former regime and as we continue to do so, it just collapses," Russell said, after completing a series of pre-dawn raids on Thursday that netted four suspected Fedayeen organizers. "Each raid seems to feed on itself now.

The success of the raids has also made it more difficult for guerrilla leaders to mount attacks on U.S. troops, Odierno said. Guerrilla organizers have been forced to increase the amount they pay for attacks on coalition forces to $1,000 from $250. Militia paymasters will now give $5,000, up from $1,000, if an attack kills a U.S. soldier, Odierno said.

"The pay has significantly gone up, which is a good thing because it shows they're starting to have trouble recruiting people," he said.

Each day, the 4th Infantry Division receives four or five reports that Saddam is hiding in cities ranging from Kirkuk to Baqouba to Tikrit, and every tip is investigated, Odierno said.

If Saddam was found, the goal would be to capture him alive, the general said, but added Saddam's bodyguards would probably put up a fierce firefight.

"Would we like to take him alive if we catch him? Absolutely. It would be helpful to put him in front of the Iraqi people and let them see that we have captured him," he said.

© 2003 The Associated Press