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To: JohnM who wrote (4553)8/8/2003 1:34:22 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793745
 
Hey, I can't help it if you and the rest of the left don't show up.

The Sacramento Bee remembers that Bustamante and Davis really dislike each other.

"'When Bustamante did not call the election for the most immediate date and created a 16-day filing period, rather than a one-day filing period, he sealed Gray Davis' fate,' said Republican strategist Kevin Spillane. 'He created a period of time for Gray Davis to twist in the wind and allow Democratic unity to crumble.'" LINK

"Spillane recalled the time Davis removed some parking spaces from Bustamante's control."

"'The parking spaces that Gray Davis took away from Bustamante's office in 1999 are going to go down as the most valuable parking spaces in California political history,' Spillane said. 'Someone should build a monument by those parking spaces: 'On this spot Gray Davis ultimately lost his political career.'"


Key Democrats enter as party unity shatters
By Sam Stanton and Margaret Talev -- Bee Staff Writers
Published 2:15 a.m. PDT Friday, August 8, 2003
California's political earthquake continued Thursday as two prominent Democrats announced they would run for governor, while U.S. Rep. Darrell Issa, who funded the recall drive, tearfully dropped out of the race.

Meanwhile, former Los Angeles Olympics chief and Baseball Commissioner Peter Ueberroth signaled he is likely to enter the contest as an independent candidate today, and former Los Angeles Mayor Dick Riordan confirmed he was not running.

The rapid-fire sequence of events began early Thursday as Lt. Gov. Cruz Bustamante, who had been a vocal opponent of the Oct. 7 recall, became the first major Democrat to formally announce that he would run to replace Gov. Gray Davis if the Democrat is recalled.

Bustamante unveiled his campaign theme -- "No on recall, Yes on Bustamante" -- and said he still opposes the drive against Davis. But he added it was time to face the reality that the party could soon lose the Governor's Office.

"We saw there was declining political viability of the governor," Bustamante said, referring to a series of polls taken in the past week. "As much as we tried to stop the recall, as much as we tried to slow it down, no matter what we did, it's not seemed to be working."

Bustamante downplayed past differences he has had with Davis as a motivation for his move, although one observer noted there is plenty of political intrigue surrounding his entry.

Bustamante's decision to set the election for Oct. 7, the latest possible date after the recall was certified, gave candidates more than two weeks to get into the race rather than one day, a period that allowed political maneuvering to further degrade Davis' political standing.

"When Bustamante did not call the election for the most immediate date and created a 16-day filing period, rather than a one-day filing period, he sealed Gray Davis' fate," said Republican strategist Kevin Spillane. "He created a period of time for Gray Davis to twist in the wind and allow Democratic unity to crumble."

Spillane recalled the time Davis removed some parking spaces from Bustamante's control.

"The parking spaces that Gray Davis took away from Bustamante's office in 1999 are going to go down as the most valuable parking spaces in California political history," Spillane said. "Someone should build a monument by those parking spaces: 'On this spot Gray Davis ultimately lost his political career.' "

Bustamante, who made his announcement in English and Spanish, said he would repeal the tripling of the vehicle license tax Davis approved to get lawmakers to pass a state budget this year, and would replace that revenue by increasing taxes on the wealthy, tobacco and alcohol.

He added that he hoped to raise $10 million to $15 million for the race.

Within an hour of that announcement, state Insurance Commissioner John Garamendi declared that he also would enter the race, saying Bustamante had "broken open the floodgates."

Garamendi, who has run twice before for governor, managed to read his announcement speech without ever referring to Davis or to the recall effort.

And when pressed by reporters whether he thought Davis should be recalled or how he would vote on the recall question, Garamendi refused to answer, saying he already has stated his position.

In the past, Garamendi has said he would not get involved in the recall. "I have no intention of running should the recall qualify," he announced June 17.

But Garamendi echoed Bustamante in noting that private polls have shown Davis faring poorly in the election.

"We all know what those polls look like," Garamendi said, adding that he would bring his long experience as a legislator and insurance commissioner to the job to prove that California can be governed effectively.

"I will do everything in my power to stop the political war in Sacramento," he said, adding that he would raise "enough money" for his campaign, but that none would come from insurance companies.

Davis has tried for weeks to keep Democrats from entering the race, arguing that a unified party could attract enough voters to reject the recall and make the second part of the ballot -- the part with replacement candidates listed -- meaningless.

Up until Wednesday, that firewall appeared intact, particularly after U.S. Sen. Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., declared she would not run and said Davis still could survive the vote.

The governor, speaking to reporters in Anaheim on Thursday before a speech to unionized school workers, put a positive spin on the entry into the race of two Democrats.

"Sometimes the conventional wisdom turns out to be wrong," Davis said. "The conventional wisdom was it would be better if no other Democrat ran. Who knows?

"Maybe it will turn out that other Democrats bring more people to the polls, and more people see this recall is unwise and they vote no on (the recall)."

Davis advisers also said they were not fearful of actor Arnold Schwarzenegger's candidacy, saying they had been more worried about Riordan.

"Obviously, Arnold presents some problems because he's got money and name recognition," said media adviser David Doak. "But the Republican we thought was most dangerous was Riordan, because he's a moderate with a base in Los Angeles and comes experienced in government. We were never as worried about Schwarzenegger."

But the defections Thursday of Bustamante and Garamendi had Republicans openly writing Davis' political obituary.

"What this signals is Davis is clearly finished," said Bill Simon, who came within five percentage points of defeating Davis in November and plans to run again.

Simon predicted Democrats would continue to denounce the recall for another day or so, and "then they're going to all start piling on Davis," leaving him unable to launch attack ads against numerous candidates.

"He's been defanged, he can't pick on one guy," Simon said.

The Republican side of the ballot continued to evolve Thursday, as well.

Issa, the Vista Republican who used his personal fortune to bankroll the recall petition drive, stunned his supporters by dropping out just as he was set to deliver his paperwork to the San Diego County Registrar's Office.

In a tearful address outside the office, Issa said he had achieved his main goal: forcing a recall of Davis.

Spokesman Jonathan Wilcox said the surprise move was an "intensely personal and intensely private decision" that was not sparked by Schwarzenegger's candidacy.

The actor's dramatic announcement Wednesday created headlines worldwide and took many by surprise, including Riordan, who had said he would not run if the actor did. The two met privately Thursday, and later Riordan closed the door on a possible candidacy.

But Schwarzenegger was not keeping all other Republicans from entering the race.

Ueberroth, a Republican, was considering announcing his plans today to run as an independent candidate who could bridge the partisan divide in Sacramento and said he would only serve for the three-year balance of Davis' term.

Ueberroth adviser Dan Schnur said that if Ueberroth entered the race, he would focus on bridging partisan divides, and he noted that the former Time magazine "Man of the Year" could go toe-to-toe with Schwarzenegger in terms of fame.

"It's a different kind of star power," Schnur said of Ueberroth's reputation. "Ueberroth is hoping to improve Sacramento's focus from political to economic growth and job creation."

Candidates have until 5 p.m. Saturday to file the paperwork to run, and by Thursday afternoon 527 people had taken out preliminary paperwork, although only a fraction of those are expected to make the ballot.



To: JohnM who wrote (4553)8/8/2003 2:27:43 PM
From: Eashoa' M'sheekha  Respond to of 793745
 
earth tilted more than ever-so-slightly in the last few days

tooooooooo funny.......

maybe bill should call this.....

" Politics For Bros.....not rated ".....

Thuddd.....



To: JohnM who wrote (4553)8/8/2003 4:18:32 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793745
 
Liberal groups, financier unite to defeat Bush
Thomas B. Edsall, Washington Post
Friday, August 8, 2003
©2003 San Francisco Chronicle | Feedback

URL: sfgate.com

Washington -- Labor, environmental and women's organizations, with strong backing from international financier George Soros, have joined forces behind a new political group that plans to spend an unprecedented $75 million to mobilize voters to defeat President Bush in 2004.

The organization, Americans Coming Together (ACT), will conduct "a massive get-out-the-vote operation that we think will defeat George W. Bush in 2004," Ellen Malcolm, president of EMILY's List, said Thursday. Malcolm will become ACT's president.

ACT already has commitments for more than $30 million, Malcolm and others said, including $10 million from Soros, $12 million from six other philanthropists and about $8 million from unions, including the Service Employees International Union.

The formation of ACT reflects growing fears in liberal and Democratic circles that with Republicans likely to retain control of the House and Senate,

a second Bush term could mean passage of legislation, adoption of regulations and the appointment of judges that together could devastate left-supported policies and institutions.

Other groups joining the fight against Bush include the American Majority Institute, which was put together by John Podesta, a former top aide to President Bill Clinton. The institute will function as a liberal counter to conservative think tanks such as the Heritage Foundation.

A network of liberal groups has formed America Votes to coordinate the political activities of civil rights, environmental and abortion rights groups,

among others; and former Clinton aide Harold Ickes is trying to set up a pro- Democratic group to finance 2004 campaign television ads.

Another factor behind the surge of political activity is the fear that the prohibition on "soft money" will leave the Democratic National Committee without adequate funds to pay for state and federal "coordinated campaign" activities, which are voter mobilization efforts eight weeks before the election.

In the past, the DNC paid for much of the costs using large "soft money" contributions from unions, corporations and the wealthy.

Republicans sent a warning shot across ACT's bow. "We are going to be watching very closely to make sure they adhere to their claim that they will not be coordinating with the Democratic Party," said Republican National Committee spokeswoman Christine Iverson.

sfgate.com



To: JohnM who wrote (4553)8/9/2003 1:54:02 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793745
 
Well, here is one "WSJ.com" you will read, John.

POLITICS & PEOPLE
Establishments and Outsiders
Where do people get the idea Howard Dean's a liberal?

BY ALBERT R. HUNT - WSJ.COM
Saturday, August 9, 2003 12:01 a.m.

Are the Democrats about to be taken over by counterculture, neosocialist pacifists? That's the picture painted by Sen. Evan Bayh, who fears the party is "at risk of being taken over by the far left," and Joe Lieberman, who worries about the dominance of an "extremist ideology."

Who's the pied piper of this lefty brigade? Howard Dean, a physician, son of a Wall Street executive, whose chief passion is fiscal moderation; as governor of Vermont, the Washington Post chronicled last weekend, he was "a careful, even cautious steward."

There are several explanations for this conundrum. One is that we're returning to the Vietnam War days when ideology was framed by one's position on the war.

Such a simplistic formation makes no sense today. Howard Dean opposed the Iraqi war; so did such foreign policy heavyweights as Zbigniew Brzezinski and a few leading officials of the first Bush administration. Dr. Dean wants to undo the Bush tax cuts and return to the rates that prevailed during the Clinton administration, hailed then by centrists. On some other issues he is to the right of the center of the Democratic Party.

No, what the Dean complaints really are about is a battle more intrinsic to presidential politics than ideological struggles: outsiders versus insiders, insurrectionists versus the establishment.

This also explains his appeal, ventures Hamilton Jordan, who brilliantly ran the successful Jimmy Carter insurgency in 1976. "When these other guys gang up on Dean and say, 'He's not one of us,' it's not hurting him. When you give voters a chance to vote against the political establishment it's very attractive."

Ideologically, the Iraqi war notwithstanding, it's easy to see why Ted Kennedy has cool feelings towards a Democrat who is squishy on guns, the death penalty and federal support for education. But when Al From, the longtime chief of the centrist Democratic Leadership Conference, blasts the front-running insurgent, it's less about ideology than power. After Bill Clinton and Al Gore, Mr. From fancies himself a kingmaker, and Dr. Dean hasn't supped sufficiently at his table.

Party insiders rarely are comfortable with outsiders. Insurgents are usually from outside Washington but not necessarily. John McCain and George McGovern were outsiders; so was Jimmy Carter and, initially, Ronald Reagan. The Bushes, father and son, were insiders; Bill Clinton was both.

The trick for an outsider presidential candidate is to parlay that appeal--even during good times, shaking up business as usual is popular--into primary success, but then convince voters that you have the sensitivity and skill to govern if you become an insider.

In 1976, Jimmy Carter, with an astute sense of the public revulsion over Watergate--a promise not to lie was a centerpiece of his campaign--steamrolled the Democratic establishment. This produced an ABC contingent--"Anybody but Carter"--that tried simultaneously to embrace California's new age Gov. Jerry Brown; Hubert Humphrey, the party's longtime liberal war-horse; and Frank Church, the Idaho internationalist. It was a farce despite a few successes in the later primaries. The stirrings of an ABD--Anybody but Dean--today are familiar, Hamilton Jordan says.

Mr. Carter, as nominee, then sought to alter that outsider image; Averell Harriman, who once ventured the party couldn't nominate Gov. Carter because he didn't know him, became a fixture on the campaign bus. Still, enough voters still remained shaky about the "Georgia peanut farmer" that his 30-point lead almost vanished by Election Day.

Ronald Reagan, in the days before the conservative movement dominated the GOP, faced a similar situation four years later. He swept the nomination but then moved to reassure the party establishment. He picked George Bush as his running mate over the objections of Reaganites like Sen. Paul Laxalt, and he began consulting the high priests of Republican economists--Arthur Burns and Alan Greenspan--in the general election. He still was running only even until the final debate, shortly before the election.

Predictably, today few Democrats think Howard Dean has the skill to walk that thin line and navigate a careful transition. It won't be easy.

His opposition to the war certainly isn't lethal; no one says that Bob Graham would be doomed by his antiwar position, and by next year this may be an unpopular venture. But unlike the last three presidential elections, a requisite for winning a general election next year will be credibility as commander-in-chief. Gov. Dean has a way to go.

The tax issues, polls and politicians say, isn't the death trap for Democrats it once was. But to reverse the ill-conceived Bush tax cuts now requires a tax increase, and Dr. Dean has to persuade people they are getting something tangible in return.

His support for civil unions has Karl Rove licking his chops; the right-wing hit squads will be vicious on this one. Again, however, if a candidate can frame this as a matter of equality, rather than a moral preference, it can be neutralized; this month's Wall Street Journal/NBC news poll shows the public solidly supports civil unions and attendant benefits but not gay marriages.

Like any outsider, Howard Dean should expect more than the usual share of scrutiny and attacks. And it'll start soon. When John McCain threatened the Republican establishment four years ago, it generated a truly vicious attack on him. "We're out of business," under Mr. McCain, acknowledged one GOP fat cat. With his remarkable early success, Hamilton Jordan notes, Howard Dean faces an added burden: "He'll have to withstand these attacks for a longer period of time."

The odds still are against Howard Dean; he may not be ready for prime time. If he is, however, watch for the day that Al From jumps on the campaign bus.
Mr. Hunt is executive Washington editor of The Wall Street Journal. His column appears in the Journal on Thursdays.

opinionjournal.com