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Politics : Foreign Affairs Discussion Group -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: Bilow who wrote (110698)8/9/2003 11:32:00 AM
From: KyrosL  Respond to of 281500
 
Wow, the "mobile WMD production facilities" story starts unraveling. It was the subject of some Bush speeches that Iraq had active WMD programs. This administration has an amazing capacity of shooting itself in the foot.

I am still waiting for the obvious steps to stabilize Iraq and get out ASAP, but am not holding my breath. The signs of hope I detected earlier with the Iraqi governing council, and elections within a year, are being replaced by noises that Iraq is doing OK, and the US is committed "long term." I am hoping that these are just words, but my gut tells me that Bush is drowning in hybris and, like dad, will be a one termer.



To: Bilow who wrote (110698)8/9/2003 12:57:06 PM
From: Win Smith  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 281500
 
Good story, Carl.

Senior administration officials have acknowledged that the United States has found neither biological agents nor undisputed evidence that the trailers were used to make such arms. They have said that intelligence analysts in Washington and Baghdad reached their conclusion about the trailers after analyzing, and rejecting, alternative theories of how they could have been used. . . .

Today, a Defense Department official said of Iraq, "There is not doubt in our minds that they had mobile biological weapons trailers." But the official said there was disagreement within the Defense Intelligence Agency about whether those found so far were used to produce biological weapons or hydrogen.


Evidence? We don't need no stinkin' evidence. When you're a true believer, you just KNOW. And to be anything other than a true believer in each and every element of W's war propaganda operation is positively unAmerican.



To: Bilow who wrote (110698)8/9/2003 1:44:18 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
Iraq: 100 Days of 'Peace'
_____________________________

Mission Accomplished?

On 1 May, President Bush declared war over after six weeks

Published on Saturday, August 9, 2003 by the lndependent/UK

The US Administrator: Paul Bremer, head of US-led civilian administration

"We believe that the attacks against the coalition forces are coming from a number of areas, some of which will be, I think, reduced if we can kill or capture Saddam. Those are attacks that are coming to us from desperados, from the Baathist party, the trained killers of the Fedayeen Saddam and the trained killers of many of the intelligence services which Saddam had.

"We believe that the death of his sons and eventual capture or death of Saddam will have a beneficial effect on reducing these attacks. I said at the time of the killing of the two sons that I expected attacks in the short run to increase ... People are coming in to police stations with evidence of where Baathists are, and providing tips that allow us to arrest these people."

The Café Owner: Burhan Gharib, Baghdad

Many bad things have happened, such as the looting. There is no electricity, the security situation is unstable. If you compare them with Saddam Hussein, the Americans have done nothing for us. They came to Iraq and said, 'We came to protect you' but the only place they protected from the looters was the Ministry of Oil.

They can move tanks all over the world but they can't bring a small generator to the city. We feel angry because they do things against our principles. They search our houses and our women.

This is a good country, a developed country. The resistance are not Fedayeen Saddam, they are mujahedin, Islamic resistance. They are heroes and we pray to God to save them. We can kick the Americans out.

The British Politician: Robin Cook MP

I'm astonished that the coalition have put little thought into what to do after the capture of Iraq. The military preparation was meticulous, but the preparations for how to reconstruct the country are being made up as we go along.

We were told that it was essential to displace Saddam Hussein because of a "clear and present" danger to the UK, but 100 days later we have still not found one single weapon of mass destruction. It would have been better to let weapons inspectors stay ...

The invasion and occupation was a neo-conservative show. They promised it would be easy to win ... the co-operation of the Iraqis. Now that is proving much more difficult and the neo-conservatives are on a retreat in the United States.

The US Politician: Al Gore, former Democratic vice-president

"Normally, we Americans lay the facts on the table, talk through the choices before us and make a decision. But that didn't happen. As a result, many of our soldiers are paying the highest price. I'm convinced one of the reasons we didn't have a better public debate before the Iraq war started is because so many of the impressions the majority of the country had back then turn out to have been wrong.

"Robust debate in a democracy will almost always involve occasional rhetorical excesses and leaps of faith. But there is a big difference between that and a systematic effort to manipulate facts in service to a totalistic ideology felt to be more important than basic honesty.

"Unfortunately, I think it is no longer possible to avoid the conclusion that what the country is dealing with in the Bush presidency is the latter."

The Journalist: Robert Fisk, Middle East Correspondent of 'The Independent'

It wasn't Mr Bush's remark about the end of major military operations that spelt out the lie. It was the banner hanging from the aircraft carrier upon which he made his notorious remarks. Placed there by the White House publicity men, it said simply: "Mission Accomplished'' ­ the ultimate illusionary end to an invasion that was driven by fantasy and right-wing ideology. True, the mass graves have been opened, many of them containing young people whom we betrayed ­ by urging them to fight Saddam in 1991 and then allowing them to be massacred. True, the regime no longer governs. It attacks the US army instead, along with Saddam's old enemies. True, Uday and Qusay are dead ­ but their father still speaks from the underground. A new resistance movement is now cutting down US soldiers every day. Anarchy is widespread. Changing the map of the Middle East is what this illegal invasion was supposed to have achieved, according to the right-wing and pro-Israeli advisers around Donald Rumsfeld. They may be right, but the new map is unlikely to be the one they had planned for. Amid the wilderness of occupation, America may contemplate that its young men are dying for an illusion that will prove as dangerous to Israel as it will to America and the Arab world. Mission accomplished indeed!

The Shopkeeper: Sa'id abu Ali, Sadr City

The Shia accepted the Americans at first because we were the ones suffering a tragedy under Saddam. This is the second country in the world for oil reserves but Iraqi families are suffering just to get one gas cylinder. Of course people are against [the Americans]. We think they encouraged the looters, because it suits their aims to keep the chaos here so they can stay. I don't believe America cannot solve these problems like gas and electricity. So there is no difference: Saddam was yesterday, America is today. Is this liberation? Most of the injustices still exist. Can you go out in your car after 10pm? If you manage to escape the looters, the Americans will shoot you. If there is occupation, there will be resistance. All Iraqi citizens want the situation stable and safe and an end to the occupation.

The Aid Worker: Dominic Nutt, Emergencies Officer for Christian Aid

I think the most obvious issue is a lack of security across the country. It is clearly deteriorating. Under the old regime people were too terrified, and law and order was not an issue. Now women and girls are being attacked. Soldiers have two options: shout or shoot, nothing in between. They need an effective police force.

The issue of whether we should have gone to war is a very difficult one. It is an ongoing dilemma ... The Iraqis I have dealt with and spoken to welcomed this invasion and the end of Saddam Hussein [but] one questions the principle that right goes with might. The Iraqis are getting frustrated and no one is benefiting.

The Iraqi Politician: Dr Adnan Pachachi, acting head of Iraqi Governing Council

There are sporadic acts of violence against the Americans. They think that by continuing they are going to force the Americans to get out of Iraq, but they are mistaken. They are delaying the recovery of Iraq. I would like to ask these people: "What do you hope to achieve?"

Right from the very beginning, I wanted the UN to have a central role. I said immediately after the collapse of the regime that the secretary general should appoint a special representative to oversee the whole process. Unfortunately, this did not happen, and we have to deal with a situation where a huge US army is in Iraq.

One way to deal with this would be not to co-operate, but the Iraqi people are tired after three wars, and don't want to start another one.

Casualties

57 US troops, 11 British troops killed since 1 May
35 allied troops died in accidents,
3 possible suicides, 3 drowned
1,000 children injured by unexploded ordnance
15 to 25 civilians shot dead daily in Baghdad
1 UK journalist shot dead

Armed forces

150,000 still deployed
6 countries providing forces (US, Britain, Spain, Poland, Denmark, and the Czech republic)

Economics

$680m rebuilding contracts handed out by Bechtel ($400m to local companies)
$3.9bn per month spent by US on occupation
£44m to provide new 'Baath-free' textbooks to school pupils
£60m spent by International Red Cross on humanitarian aid
1.6m barrels per day of oil being pumped (compared to 2.8m before the war)
1 Arab mobile phone network launched (but shut down by US)<
75 per cent electricity delivery, according to the US

Security

1,000 military patrols daily in Baghdad
150 out of 400 courts in operation
18 aid trucks hijacked

Health

1 in 12 children suffer malnutrition

Culture

150 newspapers started; 1 shut down
3 plays performed

© 2003 Independent Digital (UK) Ltd

commondreams.org



To: Bilow who wrote (110698)8/9/2003 2:29:16 PM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
U.S. Tactics Never Pointed Iraq to Peace

by Robert Koehler

Published on Friday, August 8, 2003 by the Philadelphia Inquirer

What is it we're bringing to Iraq? Oh yeah, democracy. One body at a time.

Now that two of Saddam Hussein's evil offspring are deader than doornails (whoop! whoop!), majority rule, free and fair elections, constitutional government, maybe even butterfly ballots and $2,000-a-plate fund-raisers - the works - are pretty much right around the corner. Or not.

Before we try to topple another dictator and liberate another country, perhaps next time with the help of new-generation, low-yield, precision-guided nuclear weapons, let's thrust a limb into the gears of our trillion-dollar war machine long enough to ponder its basic assumption: that is, that it gets results.

We've been at war with Iraq for 12 years now - bluntly, brutally, stupidly. We have a certain amount to show, to be sure, for those dozen debate-free years of draconian sanctions bookended by lopsided military victories: two dead Hussein boys, some toppled statues, and American-British control of the world's second-largest oil reserve (just like the old days).

What we don't have is a just peace, the love of the people, or anything that resembles basic social stability there (obligating massive, indefinite U.S. troop presence and a $4-billion-a-month investment at a time when every state in our own country is going bankrupt); or, on the home front, freedom from the fear of terrorism.

As we chatter about democracy and debate what to do next, I suggest that we start by asking for forgiveness and owning up, like a recovering alcoholic, to the ghastly mess we've made of things.

I refer not to the mess of the last four months but the stunningly unnoticed, underreported mess of the previous decade-plus: the dismantling of a once-prosperous, secular nation with a huge middle class, a 90 percent literacy rate and perhaps the most liberated, educated female population in the Muslim world.

United Nations and other observers sounded the alarm for years. The trade embargo we imposed on Saddam Hussein's Iraq after Gulf War I - the "monstrous social experiment," as writer David Sharrock of London's the Guardian put it - brought incalculable misery to the people and solidified the power of the guy we were trying to get rid of.

It killed a lot of children - half a million, a million. They died of curable diseases because the country no longer had sufficient medical supplies, proper sanitation or a functioning economy that kept its population adequately fed and housed.

What we did in fact accomplish was to obliterate Iraq's middle class (both through destruction of its economic base and mass emigration), halve its literacy rate, create a flourishing black market in the basic necessities of life and reduce the mass of Iraqis to abject dependence on the largesse of Saddam Hussein for their daily bread.

We also drove the country into the religious Dark Ages. While democracy takes root in prosperity, religious fundamentalism flourishes in poverty. Iraq's emancipated women gradually lost their rights, the hijab (Muslim head scarf) reappeared as required wear, "honor killings" of women for alleged sexual misconduct increased and prostitution became widespread.

Yet Saddam was so entrenched in power after a dozen years of sanctions, so able to preen as a threat to us, that we had to apply massive military shock and awe to his hollow regime before we could lasso his statue off its pedestal.

Plenty of repressive regimes and dictators as bad as or worse than Saddam have been removed from power in recent years - in the Philippines, South Africa, Indonesia, Eastern Europe and elsewhere - through often nonviolent "people power." Gandhi called it satyagraha: self-sacrifice and principled refusal to cooperate with injustice.

This kind of struggle requires an empowered populace determined to gain their own freedom. Not only did we avoid encouraging any such movement in Iraq these last 12 years, we actively, vigorously sabotaged it (above and beyond our betrayal of the Kurds).

Now we blather about democracy and give them road kill.

© Copyright 1996-2003 Knight Ridder

commondreams.org



To: Bilow who wrote (110698)8/12/2003 3:55:54 AM
From: stockman_scott  Respond to of 281500
 
U.S. justification for war: How it stacks up now

_________________________________________________

seattletimes.nwsource.com

[Editor's note: The most detailed U.S. case for invading Iraq was laid out Feb. 5 in a U.N. address by Secretary of State Colin Powell. Six months later, months of war and revelation, the Powell case can be examined in a new light.]

By Charles J. Hanley
The Associated Press
Sunday, August 10, 2003



On a February evening in Baghdad, Iraq, in a warm conference room high above the city's streets, Iraqi bureaucrats, European envoys and foreign reporters crowded before television screens to hear the reading of an indictment.

In a hushed U.N. Security Council chamber in New York, Secretary of State Colin Powell unleashed an 80-minute avalanche of accusations: The Iraqis were hiding chemical and biological weapons, were secretly working to make more banned arms, were reviving their nuclear-bomb project. He spoke of "the gravity of the threat that Iraq's weapons of mass destruction pose to the world."

It was the most comprehensive presentation of the U.S. case for war. Powell marshaled what were described as intercepted Iraqi conversations, reconnaissance photos of Iraqi sites, accounts of defectors and other intelligence sources. Since 1998, he told fellow foreign ministers, "we have amassed much intelligence indicating that Iraq is continuing to make these weapons."

In the United States, Powell's "thick intelligence file" was galvanizing, swinging opinion toward war.

But in Baghdad, when the satellite broadcast ended, Lt. Gen. Amer al-Saadi, a presidential science adviser, appeared before the audience and dismissed the U.S. case as "stunts" aimed at swaying the uninformed.

How does Powell's pivotal indictment look from the vantage point of today? Powell has said several times since February that he stands by it, the State Department said Wednesday. Here is an Associated Press review of major elements, based on what was known in February and what has been learned since:

SATELLITE PHOTOS

• Powell presented satellite photos of industrial buildings, bunkers and trucks, and suggested they showed Iraqis surreptitiously moving prohibited missiles and chemical and biological weapons to hide them. At two sites, he said trucks were "decontamination vehicles" associated with chemical weapons.

• But these and other sites had undergone 500 inspections in recent months. Chief U.N. inspector Hans Blix, a day earlier, said his well-equipped experts found no contraband and no sign that items had been moved. Nothing has been reported found since.

Addressing the Security Council a week after Powell, Blix used one photo scenario as an example and said it could be showing routine as easily as illicit activity. Norwegian inspector Jorn Siljeholm told The Associated Press on March 19 that "decontamination vehicles" U.N. teams were led to invariably turned out to be water or fire trucks.

AUDIOTAPES




• Powell played three audiotapes of men speaking in Arabic of a mysterious "modified vehicle," "forbidden ammo" and "the expression 'nerve agents' " — tapes said to be intercepts of Iraqi army officers discussing concealment.

• Two of the brief, anonymous tapes, otherwise not authenticated, provided little context for judging their meaning. It couldn't be known whether the mystery vehicle, however "modified," was even banned. A listener could only speculate over the cryptic mention of nerve agents. The third tape, meanwhile, seemed natural, an order to inspect scrap areas for "forbidden ammo." The Iraqis had just told U.N. inspectors they would search ammunition dumps for stray, empty chemical warheads left from years earlier. They later gave four to inspectors.

Powell's rendition of that third conversation made it more incriminating, by saying an officer ordered that the area be "cleared out." The voice on the tape didn't say that, only that the area be "inspected," according to the official U.S. translation.

HIDDEN DOCUMENTS

• Powell said "classified" documents found at a nuclear scientist's Baghdad home were "dramatic confirmation" of intelligence saying prohibited items were concealed that way.

• U.N. nuclear inspectors later said the documents were old and "irrelevant": some administrative material, some from a failed and well-known uranium-enrichment program of the 1980s.

ANTHRAX

• Powell noted Iraq had declared it produced 8,500 liters of the biological agent anthrax before 1991, but U.N. inspectors estimated it could have made 25,000 liters. None has been "verifiably accounted for," he said.

• No anthrax has been reported found. The Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), in a confidential report in September, said that although it believed Iraq had biological weapons, it didn't know their nature, amounts or condition. Three weeks before the invasion, an Iraqi report of scientific soil sampling supported its contention that it destroyed its anthrax at a known site, the U.N. inspection agency said May 30.

BIOWEAPONS TRAILERS

• Powell said defectors told of "biological-weapons factories" on trucks and in train cars. He displayed artists' conceptions of such vehicles.

• After the invasion, U.S. authorities said they found two such truck trailers in Iraq, and the CIA said it concluded they were part of a bioweapons-production line. But no trace of biological agents was found on them, Iraqis said the equipment made hydrogen for weather balloons, and State Department intelligence balked at the CIA's conclusion. The British defense minister, Geoffrey Hoon, has said the vehicles aren't a "smoking gun."

The trailers have not been submitted to U.N. inspection for verification. No "bioweapons railcars" have been reported found.

'4 TONS' OF VX

• Powell said Iraq produced 4 tons of the nerve agent VX. "A single drop of VX on the skin will kill in minutes. Four tons," he said.

• Powell didn't note that most of that 4 tons was destroyed in the 1990s under U.N. supervision. Before the invasion, the Iraqis made a "considerable effort" to prove they had destroyed the rest, doing chemical analysis of the ground where inspectors confirmed VX had been dumped, the U.N. inspection agency reported May 30.

Experts at Britain's International Institute of Strategic Studies said any pre-1991 VX most likely would have degraded anyway. No VX has been reported found since the invasion.

'EMBEDDED' CAPABILITY

• "We know that Iraq has embedded key portions of its illicit chemical-weapons infrastructure within its legitimate civilian industry," Powell said.

• No "chemical-weapons infrastructure" has been reported found. The newly disclosed DIA report of September said there was "no reliable information" on "where Iraq has — or will — establish its chemical-warfare-agent-production facilities." It suggested international inspections would keep Iraq from rebuilding a chemical-weapons program.

'500 TONS' OF CHEMICAL AGENT

• "Our conservative estimate is that Iraq today has a stockpile of between 100 and 500 tons of chemical-weapons agent," Powell said.

• Powell gave no basis for the assertion, and no such agents have been reported found. An unclassified CIA report in October made a similar assertion without citing evidence, saying only that Iraq "probably" concealed precursor chemicals to make such weapons. The DIA reported in September there "is no reliable information on whether Iraq is producing and stockpiling chemical weapons."

CHEMICAL WARHEADS

• Powell said 122-mm chemical warheads found by U.N. inspectors in January might be the "tip of an iceberg."

• The warheads were empty, a fact Powell didn't note. Blix said on June 16 the dozen stray rocket warheads, never uncrated, were apparently "debris from the past," the 1980s. No others have been reported found.

DEPLOYED WEAPONS

• "Saddam Hussein has chemical weapons. ... And we have sources who tell us that he recently has authorized his field commanders to use them," Powell said.

• No such weapons were used and none was reported found after the U.S. and allied military units overran Iraqi field commands and ammunition dumps.

REVIVED NUCLEAR PROGRAM

• "We have no indication that Saddam Hussein has ever abandoned his nuclear-weapons program," Powell said.

• Chief U.N. nuclear inspector Mohamed ElBaradei told the council two weeks before the U.S. invasion, "We have to date found no evidence or plausible indication of the revival of a nuclear-weapons program in Iraq." On July 24, Foreign Minister Ana Palácio of Spain, a U.S. ally on Iraq, said there were "no evidences, no proof" of a nuclear-bomb program before the war. No such evidence has been reported found since the invasion.

SCUDS, NEW MISSILES

• Powell said "intelligence sources" indicate Iraq had a secret force of up to a few dozen prohibited Scud-type missiles. He said it also had a program to build 600-mile-range missiles and had put a roof over a test facility to block the view of spy satellites.

• No Scud-type missiles have been reported found. In the 1990s, U.N. inspectors had reported accounting for all but two of these missiles. No program for long-range missiles has been uncovered.

Powell didn't note that U.N. teams were repeatedly inspecting missile facilities, including looking under that roof, and reporting no Iraqi violations of U.N. resolutions.

Copyright © 2003 The Seattle Times Company