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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: DMaA who wrote (4806)8/12/2003 10:40:19 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793624
 
Is there a right to privacy in the Constitution? How can there be if the courts allow the executive to demand ( backed up by threat of force ) to be informed about the all financial transactions.

"Private property" and "the right to privacy" are two different concepts. Private property is a basic freedom that has been eroded. The "right to privacy" is being expanded by the courts on social issues, and taken away on economic ones.



To: DMaA who wrote (4806)8/12/2003 11:39:11 AM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793624
 
An Iowa columnist tells you why Gephardt may do better there than the polls indicate.

Yepsen: Teamsters like old friend better than new face
By DAVID YEPSEN
Register Political Columnist

08/12/2003 James P. Hoffa Jr. arrived at the Teamsters Hall in Des Moines in a sport-utility vehicle on Saturday, but he brought Dick Gephardt's presidential campaign a truckload of hope: an endorsement by one of the nation's most powerful unions.

For Gephardt, who always reminds audiences he's the son of a milk-truck driver, the day was an emotional one. Gephardt's father passed away years ago, and his mother died just recently. The congressman choked up as he told a rally at the hall "how I wish my parents could be here today to see this. How proud my dad would be to see me here today, getting the endorsement of the union that fought for him. I will be a president every day in that Oval Office for people like you and for people like my parents."

It's pretty clear Gephardt hasn't forgotten where he came from. Hoffa, the head of the Teamsters, said in an interview that Gephardt was the only viable candidate unions could whole-heartedly support. He's not a candidate who was with them 80 percent of the time, Hoffa said.

As a result, the Teamsters are going to turn the crank hard for Gephardt. They will have a full-time staffer working in Iowa doing nothing but getting members and their families out on caucus night. Members are being asked to make campaign donations. And Hoffa, one of the nation's most charismatic labor leaders, said he will personally be back to campaign for Gephardt in Iowa this winter.

Gephardt needs a little help these days. His campaign failed to meet the fund-raising expectations it set for itself. A Des Moines Register Iowa Poll shows former Vermont Gov. Howard Dean has overtaken him for the lead position in Iowa. A St. Louis Post-Dispatch story last week said about a third of the Iowans Gephardt has listed as supporters have defected. If you talk to rank-and-file Democrats, including union members, you'll hear people say they like Gephardt but the Democrats need a fresh face.

For Hoffa and the Teamsters, an old friend is better than a new face. But can they produce for Gephardt? The Teamsters have never been known as a highly Democratic union. Many members are Republicans or independents. Some aren't interested in politics.

It's precisely because the Teamsters haven't been big caucus-goers in the past that makes their support so delicious for Gephardt. One trait of a winning caucus campaign is the ability to bring new people into the process. While Gephardt enjoyed some union support in his successful 1988 fight in Iowa, it was nothing like what he's getting now. One longtime Gephardt aide said that in 1988 only two regional unions had endorsed Gephardt prior to the caucuses. Today, he's got 11 internationals. Much is made of the fact the national AFL-CIO probably isn't going to endorse a candidate and how that's a rebuff to Gephardt. That analysis overlooks the math of what Gephardt is putting in place in Iowa.

Remember, the caucuses have always been a process where relatively few people can have a huge impact. Gephardt "won" the Iowa Democratic caucuses in 1988 by getting only 27 percent of the vote in a seven-candidate field. The party says an estimated 125,000 people participated in the caucuses that year, although the figure is probably hyped. In 2000, the attendance was more accurately estimated at 61,000. With such a large field of candidates prospecting in such a small lode of votes this cycle, it may take fewer votes to win first place in 2004 than Gephardt got in 1988.

Here's a look at the Iowa membership numbers of the largest unions that have endorsed Gephardt, according to his campaign office.

The Teamsters have 11,928 Iowa members. The Iron Workers have 1,227, the Steelworkers 5,238 and the Machinists 12,000. That's 30,393 votes right there, and it doesn't include anyone from smaller unions that have also endorsed Gephardt. Those include the maritime officers, some railroad maintenance employees, theatrical stage employees, bricklayers, boilermakers, professional employees and seafarers. (Although even Gephardt's aides concede the seafarers endorsement probably won't net the campaign too much in Iowa.)

If every Iowan who is a member of a union that has endorsed Gephardt would get to a caucus on Jan 19 and bring a spouse, friend or relative, Gephardt would win in a blowout. But that's not going to happen.

Some rank-and-file members who support other candidates will just stay home. Others would rather sit around, drink beer or tinker with their Harleys, preferring to complain about the nation's problems rather than actually do something about them, like elect the son of a Teamster to the presidency.

But even if Gephardt gets only half the members of those unions, plus a few of their relatives, it could be enough to give him the victory he needs so desperately in Iowa.

At least some in the labor movement don't forget an old friend.
dmregister.com



To: DMaA who wrote (4806)8/12/2003 11:47:30 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793624
 
Home support falls for hopefuls Graham, Edwards
By Stephen Dinan and Charles Hurt - Washington Times
Published August 12, 2003

The two Democrats running for president next year who are also up for re-election to the Senate are losing support back home because of positions they have taken on the national campaign trail.
Sen. Bob Graham of Florida and Sen. John Edwards of North Carolina have cast votes and made statements unpopular back home, and polls suggest both could be vulnerable if they choose to run again for their Senate seats.
A Mason-Dixon poll last week showed Mr. Graham with his lowest approval rating in more than a decade, while in North Carolina, Rep. Richard Burr, a Republican running to unseat Mr. Edwards, has steadily closed the gap between himself and Mr. Edwards in Raleigh News-Observer polls during the last six months.
Mr. Edwards and Mr. Graham have time before public pressure or, in the case of Mr. Graham, state law, forces them to choose between their presidential or Senate bids. And with the election more than a year away, they have time to rebuild from what they say is a natural dip in the polls at home anytime a senator from a moderate state campaigns among the country's more liberal Democratic primary voters.
But Republicans are tallying up the votes and public statements and awaiting their campaigns.
"[Bob Graham] has given so many 30-second ads we wouldn't know what to do with them," said Chris Paulitz, spokesman for Rep. Mark Foley, a Florida Republican who is running for the Republican nomination for the Senate seat. He pointed to Mr. Graham's support for a filibuster to block the confirmation of the first Hispanic federal appeals court judge and the senator's opposition to the Medicare bill that passed the Senate.
And then there are Mr. Graham's rhetorical attacks on President Bush, in which he questioned the president's honesty and suggested he should be impeached for misleading the nation into war.
"The people of Florida are starting to realize that the man running for president is not the same guy that was a two-term governor and a sitting senator that a broad cross-section of Floridians were voting for," said Paul Seago, political director for Bill McCollum, another Republican seeking the seat.
Last week's Mason-Dixon poll showed Mr. Graham with 53 percent job approval ? down from 63 percent last year.
For his part, Mr. Edwards faces similar poll numbers and the same questions about votes and rhetoric.
Visiting the site last week of the shuttered Pillowtex Corp. textile mill in Kannapolis, N.C., where 4,000 jobs were lost, Mr. Edwards had to defend his vote made several years ago to grant permanent normalized trade relations with China. Workers blame free-trade agreements for sending textile jobs overseas in recent years.
Mr. Edwards said he stood by his vote and urged that federal money be expedited to the laid-off workers.
But few episodes more clearly show the divergence between the national and local audiences than when Mr. Edwards told the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People's annual convention last month he was "tired of Democrats walking away from President Bill Clinton, who did an extraordinary job of lifting up and reaching out to all of the American people."
Ferrell Blount, the new chairman of the North Carolina Republican Party, said Mr. Edwards can expect to see that used in a campaign: "Bill Clinton ? I don't know if I'd go so far to say despised, but he certainly is not a revered individual in the state."
Merle Black, a professor at Emory University in Atlanta who studies Southern politics, said both senators will see consequences at home, though Mr. Edwards will probably be more damaged.
"It's kind of a cultural norm in North Carolina to tend to the business at hand, and he's missed lots of votes," Mr. Black said. "His priorities during this last year have clearly been winning the Democratic presidential nomination."
As for Mr. Graham, Mr. Black said he believes the senator will forgo re-election.
Some political observers said Mr. Graham's main goal is to set himself up for a vice-presidential nomination, but Mr. Black said the national campaign has "devalued his usefulness as a vice-presidential candidate ... because he's seen as so partisan."
Jamal Simmons, spokesman for Mr. Graham's campaign, acknowledged the dip in the Florida polls, though he said it is "not a concern."
"There is some short-term reflection back home," he said. "But, ultimately, people will recognize that Bob Graham is the best candidate to take on George Bush."
Mr. Simmons said a primary reason for the slip is that Mr. Graham is traveling and talking about issues, such as ethanol production, which matters to Iowa corn farmers but is of little interest to Florida voters.
Mr. Edwards' campaign similarly was unconcerned.
"We still think it's too early for polls to have a lot of meaning. We're not paying too much attention to the polls at this point," said Jennifer Palmieri, his spokeswoman.
She also said he can defend his votes.
The China trade vote, for example, was "a very close call, but he believed in the end that there were North Carolina workers and jobs that would be protected as a result of that trade deal," she said.
Even some Republicans downplay the effect of the national campaigns.
Paul Shumaker, campaign strategist for Mr. Burr, said Mr. Edwards has risen to plenty of challenges and, even campaigning with Mr. Clinton in 1998, he beat a sitting Republican senator. Mr. Shumaker also said Mr. Edwards' national candidacy has helped the senator and Mr. Burr tap a national fund-raising base.

dynamic.washtimes.com