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To: JohnM who wrote (5054)8/14/2003 1:47:25 PM
From: Rascal  Respond to of 793728
 
U.S. Abandons Idea of Bigger U.N. Role in Iraq Occupation
By STEVEN R. WEISMAN with FELICITY BARRINGER

WASHINGTON, Aug. 13 — The Bush administration has abandoned the idea of giving the United Nations more of a role in the occupation of Iraq as sought by France, India and other countries as a condition for their participation in peacekeeping there, administration officials said today.

Instead, the officials said, the United States would widen its effort to enlist other countries to assist the occupation forces in Iraq, which are dominated by the 139,000 United States troops there.

In addition to American forces in Iraq, there are 21,000 troops representing 18 countries. At present, 11,000 of that number are from Britain. The United States plans to seek larger numbers to help, especially with relief supplies that are coming from another dozen countries.

Administration officials said that in spite of the difficult security situation in Iraq, there was a consensus in the administration that it would be better to work with these countries than to involve the United Nations or countries that opposed the war and are now eager to exercise influence in a postwar Iraq.

"The administration is not willing to confront going to the Security Council and saying, 'We really need to make Iraq an international operation,' " said an administration official. "You can make a case that it would be better to do that, but right now the situation in Iraq is not that dire."

The administration's position could complicate its hopes of bringing a large number of American troops home in short order. The length of the American occupation depends on how quickly the country can be stabilized and the attacks and uprisings brought under control.


The thinking on broadening international forces was disclosed today as the United States moved on a separate front at the Security Council to get a resolution passed this week that would welcome the establishment of the 25-member Governing Council set up by the United States and Britain in Iraq.

Security Council diplomats said today that they expected the resolution to pass, but not without some qualms among some members.

In a measure of these misgivings, the diplomats said the wording of the resolution was changed at the last minute this morning from saying that the Security Council "endorses" the Iraqi group to saying that the Council "welcomes" it.

The resolution would also establish an "assistance mission" of the United Nations in Baghdad to support various United Nations activities there. Both steps were sought by the United Nations secretary general, Kofi Annan, who had been under some pressure from Washington to make a gesture to recognize the legitimacy of the occupation.

The American-led occupation picked the Governing Council members in July, appointing people who represented a mix of ethnic and sectarian interests to oversee Iraqi ministries and begin the process of drafting an Iraqi constitution.

Several Governing Council members have visited the United Nations, and earlier this month Mr. Annan said he favored "some form of recognition" for the Governing Council through a Security Council resolution.

The resolution drafted by the United States and submitted today was perfunctory compared with previous Council resolutions on Iraq.

Administration officials said they expected to win the approval of the Council, although it was possible that Syria would abstain or vote against the resolution. Only a negative vote from the five permanent members of the Council — Russia, China, France, Britain and the United States — would constitute a veto.

Though the administration has decided against seeking a separate resolution to give the United Nations any authority over security, some officials say that consideration might be given to getting wider United Nations authority over the multibillion-dollar reconstruction of Iraq.

A meeting of potential donor countries has been scheduled for Oct. 24 in Madrid, and some of the big European countries that wanted a more significant United Nations role if they sent peacekeepers are also hinting that they wanted the United Nations to have more of a say over reconstruction if they have to put up huge sums of money for that effort.

In Iraq this week, L. Paul Bremer III, the top American administrator in the occupation, said that over the next four years, the amount of money needed from outside for Iraq would be "staggering." Many experts say it could amount to tens of billions of dollars.

The Bush administration has been reluctant to give the United Nations more than minimal authority in the reconstruction of Iraq. Many administration members say that France, Germany, Russia and other countries demanding such a role are actually doing so to try to get more contracts and economic benefits for themselves.

The desire for more United Nations involvement by many countries echoes the debate that preceded the war. Vice President Dick Cheney, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld and others were openly disdainful of getting United Nations authorization for the war, even after Mr. Bush had sided with Secretary of State Colin L. Powell to pursue that route.

Mr. Rumsfeld, according to administration officials, vehemently opposes any dilution of military authority over Iraq by involving the United Nations, either through United Nations peacekeepers or indirectly in any United Nations authorization of forces from other countries.


American military officials say they fear that involving the United Nations, even indirectly, will hamper the latitude the United States must have in overseeing Iraqi security and pursuing anti-American guerrilla forces or terrorist actions.

The Pentagon said today that besides the United States and Britain, the other countries that have already sent troops to Iraq are Albania, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Georgia, Hungary, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Spain and Ukraine. The troops in Iraq serve under American and British command, and so would the troops of any other countries that took part.

In addition, another dozen countries have been asked to help with forces to protect and carry out relief. They include Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Honduras, Kazakhstan, Moldova, Mongolia, Nicaragua, the Philippines, Portugal and Thailand.

In all, a Pentagon official said, the United States hopes to round up 44 countries to participate in the occupation.

A setback in the drive to line up countries occurred in July, when India, in a reversal, said it would not participate without further United Nations authority over peacekeeping. France, Germany and some other countries agreed.

Some administration officials said they would now rethink their strategy of spurning the United Nations and see if there could be some language worked out in a Security Council resolution as sought by India and the other countries.

In effect, administration officials now say, such a resolution would be more trouble than it is worth. Soundings among members of the Security Council indicated that Russia, France and other countries might try for concessions favorable to them in the running of Iraq, and such demands would only deepen divisions between them and the United States.

"The last thing we need is a loss of momentum over the efforts to get things under control in Iraq," said a Western diplomat involved in these discussions. "Besides, the violence in Iraq is not as bad as everyone thinks it is."

Some experts say that sooner or later the United States may have to change its mind again, particularly if conditions in Iraq deteriorate drastically. United Nations officials involved in peacekeeping efforts in Afghanistan and the Balkans say that the total number of troops in Iraq may have to double before the security situation comes under control.
nytimes.com
Rascal @TheyDon'tNeedNoStinkingHelpButTheyCutSoldiers'Pay.com



To: JohnM who wrote (5054)8/14/2003 3:49:30 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793728
 
Thanks for the Al Hunt piece. I see he is still advocating we get down on our knees to the Euros.:>) If it hadn't been for 911, we would have continued our policy of acting like Europe was still a cold war partner. They resented us all during that time, and show it more now.

lindybill@dropthebigone.com



To: JohnM who wrote (5054)8/14/2003 4:01:42 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (1) | Respond to of 793728
 
Here is the Times article today summing up the Hanssen problem. I was amazed to see "The Wire" TV series come up with a character who is a corrupt FBI agent selling out to the Greek crime boss. I don't recall ever seeing this done before.

Report Says Bad Supervision Helped F.B.I. Spy Flourish
By DAVID STOUT

[W] ASHINGTON, Aug. 14 ? Robert P. Hanssen, the F.B.I. agent who spied for Moscow, was able to avoid detection for more than two decades not because he was so good but because his bureau supervisors were so bad, an internal report said today.

"Our review of the Hanssen case revealed that there was essentially no deterrence to espionage at the F.B.I. during the 1979 to 2001 time period and that the F.B.I.'s personnal and information security programs presented few obstacles to Hanssen's espionage," said Glenn A. Fine, the Justice Department's inspector general.

Mr. Hanssen was a top counterespionage official in the Federal Bureau of Investigation before he was arrested early in 2001. He pleaded guilty and was sentenced to life in prison.

The episode was a humiliation for the F.B.I., which has prided itself for decades on the integrity of its agents, and the release of the report today seems likely to revive the embarrassment, at least for a time.

"We believe that what is needed at the F.B.I. is a wholesale change in mindset and approach to internal security," Mr. Fine wrote. "The F.B.I. must recognize and take steps to account for the fact that F.B.I. employees have committed espionage in the past and will likely do so in the future."

The F.B.I. director, Robert S. Mueller III, issued a statement saying in effect that the bureau was well on its way to turning things around. "Today, there is a nationally directed program for counterintelligence, centralized at F.B.I. headquarters, to ensure accountability, control and leadership, and to allow the F.B.I. to be more proactive in protecting critical national assets," Mr. Mueller said.

Mr. Fine said that among other, more concrete steps, the bureau should create a specialized permanent unit whose mission would be to constantly try to determine whether the bureau had been penetrated.

Mr. Fine's report recounts how, well before Mr. Hanssen's arrest but after it was clear that a "mole" within American intelligence was giving secrets to the Russians, F.B.I. officials continued to have almost blind faith in their own. They refused to believe that an F.B.I. agent was a traitor, instead focusing erroneously on an agent with the Central Intelligence Agency.

"While Hanssen escaped detection for more than 20 years, we found that this was not because he was a master spy or because of any expert knowledge of espionage tradecraft," Mr. Fine concluded. "We found that significant deficiencies in the F.B.I.'s internal security program played a major role."

The text of the report can be read at the inspector general's Web site: www.usdoj.gov/oig.

Mr. Hanssen was an agent of low self-esteem, poor social skills and an aloof office manner, the report recounted. Coupled with those deficiencies were "a lifelong fascination with espionage and its trappings and a desire to become a `player' in that world."

Mr. Hanssen became a big "player," collecting hundreds of thousands of dollars, plus Rolex watches and diamonds. In return, he betrayed his country and gave away secrets that led to the deaths of at least three United States agents overseas, the report said.

nytimes.com



To: JohnM who wrote (5054)8/14/2003 4:14:47 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793728
 
"The Note" today is a list of article after article from California newspapers that describe how the Unions, Latino groups, and legislators are all are looking for a way to scuttle down a line to the dock from Davis's ship.



To: JohnM who wrote (5054)8/14/2003 5:06:45 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793728
 
You posted a column rating Editorials. Here is a better one, IMO, rating Columnists.

Is Brooks Partisan Enough?
The newest Times columnist is no Krugman. Nor is he a Coulter.

This edition of the Krugman Truth Squad is going to be a little different. Instead of dissecting a single Paul Krugman column from the New York Times, I'm going to focus on a rigorous measure of partisanship, that of Krugman and others. At the same time, I'll explore the arrival of David Brooks to the Times's op-ed roster.

I got quite a few emails from readers responding to my comments Wednesday about Brooks, who is also a Weekly Standard columnist and a PBS News Hour talking head. They all said the same thing, that Brooks is not aggressively partisan enough to hold his own in the Democratic bastion of the Times. That may reflect as much on the reputation for extreme liberalism at the Times as it does on the less-than-extreme conservatism of Brooks. But it's not inconsistent with how Brooks evaluates himself. He told me that he wasn't chosen by the Times because he's a conservative:

They really don't see this as a liberal slot versus a conservative slot. They want it to be just interesting. One of things they've emphasized is that it's like a dinner table. They need different voices at the table or it gets boring. But I don't see myself as rebutting anybody.

When measured in a rigorous and quantitative way, it turns out that Brooks will be the Times's second-most partisan columnist (after Krugman), and the ninth most partisan among all the major columnists. The scores for the top ten (so far for 2003) appear in the table below, with Republican partisanship indicated in red, and Democratic in blue. These measurements come from research by Ken Waight, who has spent the last two years tracking the partisanship of America's top columnists. (See URL for chart)

<http://www.nationalreview.com/images/chart_KTS_partisan8-14.gif>

By day, Waight does computer modeling of the earth's weather. By night, he models the earth's pundits. He posts his results on his website, Lying in Ponds (visit the site and find out where that name comes from). Waight's programs automatically read every new column every day, and tag any terms that seem to indicate references to political parties or individual politicians. Waight then scores each reference as either positive, negative, or neutral ? and adds them up over time to build a picture of each columnist's partisanship.

I always call Krugman "America's most dangerous liberal pundit." But according to Waight, he's not America's most partisan pundit. He was last year, but now Krugman is only the third most partisan ? behind Ann Coulter at number one and Robert Scheer at number two.

Note that partisanship, as Waight measures it, is not the same as ideology. Waight doesn't score words like "liberal" or "conservative." To Waight, there's nothing wrong with a pundit having an ideology ? what he objects to is the knee-jerk adherence to particular political parties. Waight thinks that such partisanship compromises a columnist's independence, and actually may interfere with the integrity of a consistent ideological position.

Coulter earned her number-one position by being very unbiased in her partisan bias, if you will. In other words, she both praised Republicans and trashed Democrats. Waight counted 235 negative Democratic references (and 15 positive ones), with 143 positive Republican references (and 14 negative ones). Waight told me that even though Coulter is all alone out front at number one, her partisanship score should even be higher. She systematically uses the words Democrat and liberal as interchangeable synonyms ? and Waight's technique ignores the word liberal.

Krugman, on the other hand, earned his number-three position (number one at the Times) by specializing in hating Republicans. Just this year alone, he made 461 negative references to Republicans (and 32 positive ? hmm, I don't remember those), while making only 41 positive references to Democrats (and 8 negative ones).

At number three overall, Krugman has slipped from the number-one position last year. Waight said it's not that he's gotten any less partisan ? it's just that Waight only started measuring syndicated columnists like Coulter and Scheer this year. Indeed, Krugman has gotten worse over time. Said Waight,

Over these two and a half years of columns, Paul Krugman's commentary has been one-sided to an extraordinary degree. It is simply astounding that not a single one of his 243 columns has been devoted mainly to criticism of Democrats or praise of Republicans. At first, Mr. Krugman wrote many witty, thought-provoking and completely apolitical columns about economics, but they have dwindled as the frequency of partisan screeds has increased. In 2000, 53 of his 98 columns contained no party references, but in 2002, only 8 of 99 did, and so far this year only one lonely column of 46 was non-political.

Compared to heavy hitters like Coulter, Scheer, and Krugman, Brooks is indeed not very partisan. He may be ninth overall, but he's only slightly more than half as partisan as Coulter. But readers will be relieved to know that he's almost three times as partisan as the Times's other conservative, William Safire. Waight said,

Brooks's relatively high score is mostly due to extravagant praise of George W. Bush ? in fact his columns resemble Peggy Noonan's in that respect. He has made over 80 positive references but only a few negative references to the president. Although much of the praise is in the context of Brooks's strong support for the war in Iraq, his columns on other subjects ? Bill Frist, Michael Kelly, Arnold Beichman, welfare reform, and economics ? also stay safely within party lines.

When I told Brooks about Waight's evaluation, he said, "It's a question of my temperament, and my temperament is not particularly partisan."

For Waight, the Times's reputation for partisanship is overblown ? but then again, he draws a sharp distinction between partisanship (which he is explicitly measuring) and ideology (which he is not). In his terms, the Wall Street Journal is much more partisan. When I asked him how a Times columnist like Maureen Dowd could possibly not make the top ten, he told me that Dowd is a perfect example of a very common illusion. "People tend to remember one column they really hated," he said, "so they think of the columnist as terribly biased. So you have to look at all their columns." Waight said that the reality is that Dowd writes a fair number of non-political columns, and that she is surprisingly even handed: over time she has bashed Hillary Clinton, Al Gore, and other Democrats about as much as she has bashed George Bush.

Bottom line: To many readers, Brooks may seem like a lightweight compared to a fire-breather like Krugman. But if Waight is right, then once Brooks has had some time to settle into the context of the op-ed page of the Times, he may provide a lot more partisan balance than you'd think.

? Donald Luskin is chief investment officer of Trend Macrolytics LLC, an independent economics and investment-research firm. He welcomes your comments at don@trendmacro.com.
nationalreview.com



To: JohnM who wrote (5054)8/14/2003 6:22:22 PM
From: LindyBill  Respond to of 793728
 
The "New York Times" editorial dept could not resist the "FrankenFox" story

Windfall Publicity for Al Franken's Book

So, the satirist Al Franken writes a book making fun of the Fox News Network, mocking Bill O'Reilly and the gang, and its response is to sue him? The publisher of Mr. Franken's new book, "Lies, and the Lying Liars Who Tell Them: A Fair and Balanced Look at the Right", must be having heart flutters. You can't buy this kind of publicity.

This strange lawsuit has all the feel of an O'Reilly shouting match shoved onto an unlikely new stage: the Supreme Court of New York State. For Fox, the issue is, among other things, Mr. Franken's use of the words "fair and balanced" in its subtitle. The network's lawyers are arguing that those words belong to Fox as part of its trademark. (Journalism schools need to take note here.)

Mr. Franken and Mr. O'Reilly have had one or two public set-tos already, and Fox's complaint sounds like a collection of things Mr. O'Reilly wishes he'd remembered to say at their last encounter. It calls Mr. Franken "deranged," a "parasite," "sophomoric" and lacking "any serious depth or insight."

In a word, Fox apparently does not think that Mr. Franken is amusing, prompting the comedian to threaten to trademark the word "funny" for a possible countersuit.

For years now, liberals have wrung their hands over the fact that the right wing had a monopoly on acerbic, unfair and entertaining political commentators. Mr. Franken is clearly attempting to fill the gap, and for some reason the Fox people appear to be doing everything they can to help pave his way.

Their legal case, however, seems far too frivolous for the real courts. What about Judge Judy?
nytimes.com