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Politics : Politics for Pros- moderated -- Ignore unavailable to you. Want to Upgrade?


To: KonKilo who wrote (5254)8/17/2003 11:02:43 PM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793620
 
Free Trade is killing the American Textile industry. This was a given going in. A state like South Carolina has to change or die economically.

In South Carolina, Job Losses Crack Solid Support for Bush
By MICHAEL JANOFSKY - NEW YORK TIMES

GREENVILLE, S.C., Aug. 12- Lynn Mayson is an unemployed machine operator here. Roger Chastain is president of a textile company. While they travel in distinctively different circles, they have quite a bit in common.

Both are Republicans. Both were part of the Solid South vote that helped George W. Bush win the White House in 2000. And, now, both say they are angry enough about job losses in the region to vote for someone else in 2004.

"Something's got to give," said Ms. Mayson, a mother of three, as she left a state-run jobs center the other day. "I'm not going to vote for Bush unless things change. The economy has got to get better, and it's only going to do that if someone makes something happen."

Mr. Chastain, whose company, Mount Vernon Mills, has laid off 1,000 workers in recent years, is part of a coalition of textile executives who have formally complained to the White House about trade practices they contend are driving Americans out of jobs and manufacturers out of business, while giving huge advantages to China and other countries.

"Bush can forget about the Solid South," Mr. Chastain said. "There's no Solid South anymore."

The frustrations of Ms. Mayson and Mr. Chastain over the slow pace of economic recovery, shared by a growing number of Republicans in upstate South Carolina, have not reached such a critical mass that anyone is predicting that President Bush could lose the state next year. But the Republican wall of support here is indeed showing cracks, reflecting economic trends that Democrats say make Mr. Bush vulnerable. Since the president took office, more than 2.5 million jobs have been lost across the country, a downturn that administration officials contend is now turning around.

Mr. Chastain said problems had reached such a point that he would consider voting for a Democrat, perhaps Representative Richard A. Gephardt of Missouri, who is a persistent critic of the North American Free Trade Agreement, known as Nafta. Ms. Mayson said she would vote for anyone with a plan to create more jobs.

Does such talk signal a new South in the making? Probably not yet. But Bush-bashing among Republicans is almost unheard of in this part of South Carolina, one of the most conservative areas in the United States. In winning the region, Mr. Bush outpolled Al Gore by a ratio of almost two to one.

The trade issue has even become a major factor in the early stages of a United States Senate campaign here, and could affect a Congressional district race. Representative Jim DeMint, a three-term Republican who angered many of his constituents by voting for fast-track procedures for trade agreements, is stepping down to run for the seat of Senator Ernest F. Hollings, a six-term Democrat, who is retiring.

Danny Varat, an adjunct professor of history at the University of South Carolina in Spartanburg, said that if the economy was ailing a year from now and trade policies had not changed enough to help manufacturing in the state, Republicans could have a hard time winning both the Senate race and the Fourth Congressional District seat that Mr. DeMint is vacating.

As for the president, "If there's a faltering economy, he bears the responsibility, and that has political consequences," Mr. Varat said. "To the degree he could lose the state? It's too early to assess that right now."

Scott Stanzel, a spokesman for the Bush re-election campaign, dismissed the idea of any problems for Mr. Bush in South Carolina by defending him against critics of his economic stewardship. Mr. Stanzel said the recent tax cuts that Mr. Bush aggressively sought demonstrated his abiding concern for the economy and the nation's jobless.

"The president will not be satisfied until every American looking for work can find it," Mr. Stanzel said, adding that the tax cuts were "a victory for American workers, their families and America's small businesses."

Still, many industries here and elsewhere are reeling, perhaps none more so than textiles and apparel manufacturing, which today employ only about half the 1.5 million workers who had jobs in 1994, when Nafta went into effect. Industry officials say that about half of those losses have come since Mr. Bush was inaugurated, and in upstate South Carolina, once the vital core of America's textile industry, many major companies have cut back their work forces or closed. This month, South Carolina's unemployment rate reached 7 percent, the highest level in more than nine years, compared with a national rate of 6.2 percent.

Like his two-term predecessor, Bill Clinton, who twice failed to carry South Carolina, Mr. Bush has argued that free trade has been good for the country. Over all, the region has attracted companies from nearly 20 other countries in recent years.

But economic experts in the state, like R. Carter Smith, chief executive of the Spartanburg County Economic Development Corporation, say the number of new jobs has not matched those lost, keeping South Carolina among the highest-ranked states in percentage of jobs lost during the Bush years, at No. 3 behind Massachusetts and Ohio.

Textile industry leaders blame the administration for not demanding that China alter trade practices that enable Chinese companies to sell goods cheaper in the United States than American businesses do, making it harder to compete. J. Richard Dillard, a spokesman for Milliken & Company, a major manufacturer in the Carolinas, said Mr. Bush promised such protections, called "safeguards," before and after he was elected but had not followed through.

"We've heard a lot from elected officials that free trade creates jobs," Mr. Dillard said. "That's absolutely true. It has created jobs in Mexico, China, Indonesia and everyplace else in the world, but not here. We're tired of it."

They are so tired of it, he said, that for the first time industry leaders are drawing a line in the cloth, insisting that if the Bush administration does not narrow the trade gap with China by the fall, company executives will withhold support for Mr. Bush or even campaign for another candidate. That was the principal message of two news conferences the officials held in Greensboro, N.C., and Spartanburg, although only Mr. Gephardt emerged as a possibility.

Among other major Democratic contenders, Senators John Kerry of Massachusetts, Joseph I. Lieberman of Connecticut and Bob Graham of Florida are strong supporters of free trade. Howard Dean, the former governor of Vermont, and Senator John Edwards of North Carolina favor balanced approaches with stronger protections for American workers.

Asked for a show of hands in Spartanburg to indicate how many of the executives voted for Mr. Bush in 2000, all indicated they had. Asked for a show of hands of how many would be willing to abandon him in 2004, all indicated they would.

"This is an excellent opportunity for any elected official to base their campaign on jobs," said Roy Baxley, chairman of the South Carolina Cotton Board. "This is the time to step up to the plate."

Ms. Mayson said jobless people in the area could not agree more. "I know he's trying," she said of Mr. Bush. "But too many jobs are going overseas. What about the people here?"
nytimes.com



To: KonKilo who wrote (5254)8/18/2003 12:13:03 AM
From: LindyBill  Read Replies (2) | Respond to of 793620
 
The "Times" takes up the subject of labels. I have noticed since I started posting two years ago on politics that the people are on the right are used to being called "Right Wing," and don't mind it. The ones on the left, however, are the ones who holler about "don't label me!" I have never had a "Right Winger" come back with that reaction when I have used it. It seems to be a perfect "Rorschach test" to tell where people are politically.

STICKS AND STONES
The Defanging of a Radical Epithet
By GEOFFREY NUNBERG - NEW YORK TIMES

The left-right distinction was born in revolutionary France, but Americans didn't adopt it until the New Deal era. It seems to lay out the political topography along a conveniently symmetrical spectrum. But like any map projection, it can distort the landscape it depicts.

Take "leftist." As a pair with "rightist," it had a long history as a purely descriptive term before the McCarthyites adopted it as a label for Communist sympathizers and subversive organizations.

Just before the 1952 election, Senator Joseph R. McCarthy accused Adlai Stevenson of being unfit for the presidency because of his association with "leftists" like Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., who had defended the right of Communists to teach in universities. (Schlesinger had qualified his position by adding, "so long as they do not disqualify themselves by intellectual distortions in the classroom," a clause McCarthy ignored.)

That same year, Americans for Democratic Action indignantly denied charges that it was a leftist group, pointing out that it had worked at "purging the American liberal movement of individuals with loyalties to Communism."

Leftist was not a word to be used lightly, even by the right. In a 1954 editorial, The Wall Street Journal worried that McCarthy's "slam-bang denunciations of . . . `leftist' influence" were making him a "depreciating asset" to the Republican Party, with the quotation marks around "leftist" holding the word at arm's length.

By all linguistic rights, the leftist label should have disappeared from the lexicon as McCarthyism faded, and as labels like "communistic," "fellow traveler" and "Communist sympathizer" (or "comsymp" for short) were going the way of the poodle skirt. But leftist lingered, shifting its reference to antiwar demonstrators. Only after the Vietnam War did the word begin to decline as an epithet, though it was still routinely used in foreign news reports.

Then, in the late 1990's, leftist underwent a sudden revival. The word is 50 percent more frequent in major newspapers and magazines now than it was five years ago, with almost all the increase a result of its use as a label for domestic groups and individuals. Apart from the odd reference to Angela Davis or the Spartacist League, leftist nowadays is almost never used for old-style radicals or Marxists. In fact it was the eclipse of the "movement left" and the fall of Communism that left the word a phantom finger that the right could wave in the culture wars.

In 1954, the Girl Scouts of America was labeled a leftist organization when the American Legion and the House Committee on Un-American Activities accused it of permitting an ex-Communist to serve as a troop leader and of using a handbook that preached "U.N. and World Government propaganda." When the leftist charge is repeated now, it's because the scouts permit lesbians to be troop leaders and support programs like Title IX.

A few years ago, a contributor to National Review urged Republicans to purge "leftist influences" from the party, citing the support of Gov. Jane Swift of Massachusetts for legal abortion. An opinion article in The Morning Call of Allentown, Pa., called Senator Arlen Specter a leftist for his support of cloning research and gay rights, and other commentators have applied the word to senators like Lincoln Chafee, Byron L. Dorgan and James M. Jeffords, not to mention liberal evergreens like Senators Charles E. Schumer and Edward M. Kennedy.

On the Web, Martin Sheen and Susan Sarandon are more likely to be labeled leftists than Fidel Castro is. And Jerry Falwell's National Liberty Journal has attached the word to the Dixie Chicks ? an odd choice to inherit the mantle of Pete Seeger and Woody Guthrie.

These days, it's hard to tell leftists and liberals apart without an agenda. Hence the increasing popularity of "liberal-leftist," which merges categories on the model of compounds like "toaster-oven" and "owner-occupier." (Linguists call those "dvandvas," a term invented by the Sanskrit grammarians.) Peggy Noonan has used the double-l word to describe abortion-rights groups, and during Hillary Rodham Clinton's Senate race, the conservative commentator John Podhoretz described her as "running as an unapologetic liberal-leftist."

But liberal Democrats never describe themselves as leftists, not even apologetically. (For that matter, there aren't many who are willing to describe themselves as liberals, either.)

That's the fundamental asymmetry of the left-right distinction in American politics. Historically, the left commences where liberalism ends. But conservatives have never demurred from placing themselves on the right, letting qualifiers like "mainstream" and "extremist" do the work of sorting out the bow-tied Alsopians from the fatigues-wearing abolish-the-I.R.S. crowd. True, many conservatives are uneasy about the label "right wing," and though a few call themselves rightists, the word sounds too exotic for most to put it on their business cards. But no one feels the need for a compound like "conservative-rightist" ? there's no distinction to blur in the first place.

The new uses of leftist exploit that asymmetry. They're aimed at nudging the political center to the right, by portraying social liberals as radicals outside the mainstream. But that's a risky semantic maneuver. In any tug of war between a label and the things it's attached to, the label ultimately loses. Sometimes it's simply diluted to the point of meaninglessness. That happened with the "fascist" label after the left threw it around indiscriminately in the 1970's, and it may very well be the fate of "imperialist" now. But the leftist label is less likely to be superannuated than drawn back into the center. Describing the Girl Scouts or Arlen Specter as "leftist" doesn't demonize them so much as make the epithet itself sound less alarming.

You can already sense a weakening in the meaning of leftist in the way some conservatives use the liberal-leftist combination, treating liberal as an adjective. The Republican minority leader of the South Carolina Senate described a Democratic legislator as "one of the most liberal leftists that we have in the House," and a letter-writer to The Palm Beach Post decried the influence of "extremely liberal leftists" in academia. Fifty years ago, those phrases would have sounded dyslexic ? don't you mean "extremely leftist liberals"? Now they suggest that "liberal" outflanks "leftist" in many people's minds.

Some will be unhappy about seeing "leftist" become a mainstream category, not least people who still wear the label defiantly. But there's this to say for it: the center divider would line up with the middle of the road.

Geoffrey Nunberg, a Stanford linguist, is heard regularly on NPR's "Fresh Air" and is the author of "The Way We Talk Now."
nytimes.com